Welcome to Lost in the Sauce, keeping you caught up on political and legal news that often gets buried in distractions and theater… or a global health crisis.
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Trump’s playbook is Russia’s playbook

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) in July withheld an intelligence bulletin warning of a Russian plot to spread misinformation regarding Joe Biden's mental health. The bulletin, titled “Russia Likely to Denigrate Health of U.S. Candidates to Influence 2020 Election,” was blocked by the office of acting DHS Secretary Chad Wolf on July 9.

• The bulletin states that analysts had “high confidence” in their conclusion. However, a DHS spokesperson tried to defend the “delay” in issuing the document by saying it did not meet the agency’s standards. This is curious because just a week later, on July 16, DHS circulated a bulletin on anarchists in Portland that officers admitted they had “low confidence” in. Why was the Russia memo held back but the Portland one released?
  
• Trump has been pushing the same line of attack against Biden for months - yet another instance of Russia and Trump operating from the same playbook. For instance, in March Trump said there was “something going on” with Biden; in June Trump ran selectively edited ads asserting that Biden is “unfit to serve as Commander in Chief”; last month Trump ran a digital ad portraying Biden as perpetually confused and mentally unstable. Most recently, Trump said questions about his own health are only in the news because “they want to try and get me to be on Biden's physical level."
  

DHS is just the latest agency in the Trump administration to erode election security, following actions by the Justice Department and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) last month. DNI John Ratcliffe announced he was ending in-person congressional briefings on election security ahead of November and AG Bill Barr removed a leading career official at the Justice Department’s national security division, replacing him with an inexperienced political appointee.
The ODNI’s decision to halt congressional election briefs may have been influenced by top White House officials. National Security Adviser Robert O’Brien and Chief of Staff Mark Meadows, among others, have repeatedly discussed in meetings with staff and with Trump “how to restrict and control the flow of information on such sensitive topics to Capitol Hill.”

One White House official told The Daily Beast that Meadows has for months been wary of the type of briefings on Capitol Hill that Democratic sources can potentially use to try to make Trump look bad through surreptitious leaks to media outlets.

Meanwhile, interim Chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee Marco Rubio (R-FL) said last week that his committee will be granted an exception to the ODNI’s new policy and continue to receive in-person briefings from top U.S. intelligence officials about election-security issues. This essentially means that only Democrat-led committees have been cut out of the process ensuring election security.
House Democrats wrote to Ratcliffe insinuating if his office does not provide the previously scheduled briefings this month they will issue subpoenas and/or defund the ODNI in the appropriations bill due by the end of the month. Read the letter here.
In addition to attacks on Biden’s health, DHS has determined that Russia is seeking to “amplify” concerns over the integrity of U.S. elections by promoting allegations that mail-in voting will lead to widespread fraud. Intelligence analysts say this strategy has been underway since at least March, coinciding with Trump’s own assaults on mail-in voting.

• For instance, in March Trump said if he agreed to funding vote-by-mail expansions in the first coronavirus stimulus bill, the U.S. would see “levels of voting that, if you ever agreed to it, you’d never have a Republican elected in this country again” (clip). Fact check: Neither party has historically benefited. On April 7, at the White House press briefing, Trump claimed: "Mail ballots are a very dangerous thing for this country, because they're cheaters… They're fraudulent in many cases" (clip). Fact check: There is no evidence that mail ballots are dangerous or fraudulent.

At a White House press briefing on Friday, Trump denied there is any proof that Russia poisoned opposition leader Alexei Navalny. Instead of backing the German government's analysis of Nalvany's illness, Trump then redirected the criticism from Russia to China (clip).

"I don't know exactly what happened. I think it's tragic. It's terrible; it shouldn't happen. We haven't had any proof yet, but I will take a look. It is interesting that everybody is always mentioning Russia - and I don't mind you mentioning Russia - but I think probably China, at this point, is a nation that you should be talking about much more so than Russia. Because the things that China's doing are far worse.”

Trump then went on to say he’s “taken stronger action against Russia than any other country in the world,” but added “I do get along with President Putin” (clip).

• RELATED: Leaked notes obtained by the Telegraph say that when Theresa May asked for Trump to take a strong stand after Russia poisoned Sergei Skripal, Trump replied “I’d rather follow than lead.” He pushed May to “put together a coalition” first.

The Trump administration plans to deport a Russian national living in America, a move experts say is in response to a politically motivated request by Russia. Gregory Duralev was persecuted by the Russian state for exposing corruption. He fled to America and applied for asylum in 2015. While waiting for a decision on his application, he was arrested by ICE and jailed for nearly 18 months. His case is now in court.

“DHS has acted no better than the Russian authorities,” Duralev said. “They simply fabricated charges against me for violations I never committed — and if DHS can trump up charges against immigrants with impunity, nobody can guarantee they won’t start doing it” to regular Americans. “So that’s the main message I now hope to send.”

Michael Cohen & Peter Strzok

Former FBI agent Peter Strzok has a book coming out called “Compromised.” In it, he alleges that FBI investigators came to believe it was “conceivable, if unlikely” that Russia was secretly controlling President Trump after he took office:

“We certainly had evidence that this was the case: that Trump, while gleefully wreaking havoc on America’s political institutions and norms, was pulling his punches when it came to our historic adversary, Russia,” Strzok writes. “Given what we knew or had cause to suspect about Trump’s compromising behavior in the weeks, months, and years leading up to the election, moreover, it also seemed conceivable, if unlikely, that Moscow had indeed pulled off the most stunning intelligence achievement in human history: secretly controlling the president of the United States — a Manchurian candidate elected.”

He now says he doesn’t believe that Trump is literally a Russian spy: “I don’t think that Trump, when he meets with Putin, receives a task list for the next quarter,” Strzok said, referencing the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. “But I do think the president is compromised, that he is unable to put the interests of our nation first, that he acts from hidden motives, because there is leverage over him, held specifically by the Russians but potentially others as well.”
In an interview with Politico, Strzok confirms that he and then-deputy FBI Director Andrew McCabe, opened a counterintelligence case on the president, but that it likely was never pursued. Two weeks ago, NYT reported that Rosenstein secretly closed it.
As if there weren’t enough political books coming out this summefall, Michael Cohen is releasing his, called “Disloyal: A Memoir.” The following a couple of quick takeaways:
Cohen says that he, Trump, Aras Agalarov, Emin Agalarov, and others, watched a strip show in Las Vegas where one performer simulated peeing on another performer, who pretended to drink it. Trump reportedly reacted with “delight.” Aras Agalarov, a Russian real estate mogul, is a trusted associate of Putin and reportedly served as a liaison between Trump and the Russian president during Trump’s trip to Moscow.
WaPo:

On Russia, Cohen writes that the cause behind Trump’s admiration of Russian President Vladimir Putin is simpler than many of his critics assume. Above all, he writes, Trump loves money — and he wrongly identified Putin as “the richest man in the world by a multiple.” Trump loved Putin, Cohen wrote, because the Russian leader had the ability “to take over an entire nation and run it like it was his personal company — like the Trump Organization, in fact.”
...According to Cohen, Trump’s sycophantic praise of the Russian leader during the 2016 campaign began as a way to suck up and ensure access to the oligarch’s money after he lost the election. But he claims Trump came to understand that Putin’s hatred of Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton, dating to her support for the 2011 protest movement in Russia, could also help Trump amass more power in the United States.

USPS & mail voting

According to a Washington Post report yesterday, Postmaster Louis DeJoy engaged in campaign money laundering, also called a straw-donor scheme, at his former logistics business. Five of his former employees told WaPo that they were “urged” to donate to politicians in North Carolina and would be paid back through bonuses from DeJoy. Such a plan would allow DeJoy to illegally circumvent campaign donation limits.

“Louis was a national fundraiser for the Republican Party. He asked employees for money. We gave him the money, and then he reciprocated by giving us big bonuses,” said David Young, DeJoy’s longtime director of human resources, who had access to payroll records at New Breed from the late 1990s to 2013 and is now retired.
“He would ask employees to make contributions at the same time that he would say, ‘I’ll get it back to you down the road,’ ” said [another] former employee.
...A Washington Post analysis of federal and state campaign finance records found a pattern of extensive donations by New Breed employees to Republican candidates, with the same amount often given by multiple people on the same day. Between 2000 and 2014, 124 individuals who worked for the company together gave more than $1 million to federal and state GOP candidates. Many had not previously made political donations, and have not made any since leaving the company, public records show.

More than one million mail-in ballots were sent late to voters during the 2020 primary elections, an audit by the USPS IG’s office determined. Most of the ballots were late, the USPS says, because local election boards sent the ballots to voters at the last minute. Official press release.

[The audit] found the problems during primaries had been most pronounced in Kentucky and New York, where a combined 628,000 ballots were sent out late. In 17 states, the audit found, more than 589,000 ballots were sent from election boards to voters after the state’s ballot mailing deadline. In 11 states, more than 44,000 ballots were sent from election boards to voters the day of or the day before the state’s primary election.
One particularly troubling situation, auditors found, unfolded in Pennsylvania, where 500 ballots were sent to voters the day after the election.

Furthermore, only 13% of the ballots were mailed with the recommended bar code tracking technology.
Florida Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D) was blocked from attending two scheduled tours of USPS facilities last week. Local Postal Service officials informed her and union leaders waiting to accompany her into the building that national USPS leadership had directed them to bar the group from the building. A Postal Service spokeswoman said they simply needed more notice for a tour.
Many states, including important battleground states, are not legally permitted to process mail-in/absentee ballots until Election Day, leading to concern that results will be delayed by days or weeks. For instance, in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Michigan election officials cannot even begin processing ballots until Election Day. Processing involves opening envelopes, flattening ballots to run through the scanning machine, and prepping for the scanning.

"When voters have to wait so long for results, it erodes trust in the process and leaves room for partisan bad actors to dispute the will of the people," said Amber McReynolds, CEO of the National Vote at Home Institute, a nonprofit organization.

AG Bill Barr made three stunning false claims about mail voting during an interview with Wolf Blitzer last week. First, Barr wouldn’t even acknowledge that voting twice is a crime - because just hours earlier, Trump encouraged his North Carolina supporters to vote twice to “test” the state’s mail-in voting system (clip).

BLITZER: It sounds like he’s encouraging people to break the law and try to vote twice.
BARR: It seems to me what he’s saying is, he’s trying to make the point that the ability to monitor this system is not good. And it was so good, if you tried to vote a second time you would be caught if you voted in person.
BLITZER: That would be illegal if they did that. If somebody mailed in a ballot and then actually showed up to vote in person, that would be illegal.
BARR: "I don't know what the law in the particular state says.”
BLITZER: You can’t vote twice.
BARR: "I don't know what the law in the particular state says.”

Then, Barr tried to assert that foreign countries could fake ballots, but when challenged he admitted he had no evidence (clip).

BLITZER: You’ve said you were worried that a foreign country could send thousands of fake ballots, thousands of fake ballots to people that it might be impossible to detect. What are you basing that on?
BARR: I’m basing — as I’ve said repeatedly, I’m basing that on logic.
BLITZER: Pardon?
BARR: Logic.

Finally, Barr cited a supposed incident of mail-in voting fraud in Texas. Too bad it doesn’t exist.

The payroll

Charles Rettig, the Trump-appointed IRS Commissioner who has refused to release President Trump’s tax returns, has made hundreds of thousands of dollars renting out Trump properties while in office. Rettig makes $100,000 - $200,000 a year from two units at Trump International Waikiki. When first nominated, Rettig failed to disclose his financial ties to Trump Waikiki. When questioned by Congress, he did not directly answer concerns about the properties.

CREW: With Trump’s name removed from some buildings as it began to hurt property values, we can only imagine how toxic it would become if a bombshell in his tax returns were released. Which means the IRS Commissioner has a vested interest in the success of the Trump brand—and of preventing anything that could damage it.

Voice of America staffers say Trump appointee Michael Pack is threatening to wash away legal protections intended to insulate their news reports from political meddling. Since arriving, Pack has fired the network's leaders, pushed out agency executives, refused to approve allotted budgets, and refused to renew visas for foreign employees.

• Further reading: “Deleted Biden video sets off a crisis at Voice of America,” Politico.

Pack suggested the staff he fired and foreign journalists he essentially kicked out may have been foreign spies, without offering any evidence to support his claim. A group of 14 senior VOA journalists are openly disputing his explanation:

“Mr. Pack has made a thin excuse that his actions are meant to protect national security, but just as was the case with the McCarthy ‘Red Scare,’ which targeted VOA and other government organizations in the mid-1950s, there has not been a single demonstrable case of any individual working for VOA — as the USAGM CEO puts it — ‘posing as a spy,’ ” they wrote.

The White House is searching for a replacement for Federal Trade Commission Chair Joe Simons, a Republican who has publicly resisted President Donald Trump’s efforts to crack down on social media companies. Simons, a veteran antitrust lawyer, cannot legally be removed by the president except in cases of gross negligence. But the White House has already interviewed at least one candidate for the post.

• RELATED: The Justice Department plans to bring an antitrust case against Google as soon as this month, after Attorney General William P. Barr overruled career lawyers who said they needed more time to build a strong case.

Richard Grenell, formerly the highest-ranking out gay official in the Trump administration, has joined a law firm founded by Pat Robertson that has a history of opposing LGBTQ+ rights. Grenell also recently joined the Republican National Committee to do outreach to LGBTQ+ voters.
The Trump administration has quietly named a new acting State Department inspector general. Matthew Klimow, the U.S. ambassador to Turkmenistan since mid-2019, is the third acting IG since Trump and Pompeo ousted Senate-confirmed IG Steve Linick in May.
Mick Mulvaney, Trump’s current special envoy to Northern Ireland, former Chief of Staff, and former acting head of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, is starting a hedge fund focused on financial services regulation. Ethics experts say Mulvaney explicitly using his knowledge of CFPB to place bets for and against companies gives him an unfair and perhaps illegal advantage.

Court and DOJ matters

Court cases
The Trump administration must, for now, stop winding down in-person counting efforts for the 2020 census, a federal judge in California ordered.
The three-judge panel hearing a challenge to Trump’s new anti-immigrant census policy seemed hostile to the government’s arguments in a hearing last week.
A federal judge has stopped the Trump administration from enforcing a rule change that would let health care providers deny medical services to LGBTQ patients on the grounds of religion.
Justice Department
Federal prosecutors are preparing to charge longtime GOP fundraiser Elliott Broidy in connection with efforts to influence the U.S. government on behalf of foreign interests. Broidy helped raise millions for Donald Trump’s election and the Republican Party.
Barr ordered another round of changes to FISA rules, tightening the use of government surveillance on political candidates or their staffers — a move conservatives will likely cheer, as they have long criticized how the FBI investigated the Trump campaign in 2016.

Before conducting physical searches or wiretaps of a federal election official, members of the official's staff, candidates for federal office, or their staff or advisers, the FBI must now consider giving them a "defensive briefing," to tell them that they could be the target of foreign influence.

Firstly, apologies to ASX_Bets as this post contains actual DD collated from financial and Uranium Experts – something usually overlooked when chasing tendies here. But I promise to link some uranium penny stocks to keep it balanced.
TL:DR section at the bottom
Now you either like, love or hate uranium but that won’t affect the inevitable bull market that is knocking at the global door. "When this Uranium market starts to really move, the rising tide WILL raise all ships. BUT eventually, the cream will rise to the top." - Uranium Insider
It’s a long post, as anyone remotely interested should know all the facts, but regardless I have broken it down into the following sections: Uranium Background, Demand, Supply, COVID Impact, Inventory and Market Outlook.

Uranium Background

Uranium is primarily used in nuclear reactors for energy & electricity generation but there is also a large use in research reactors for production of medical and industrial isotopes and training. Also, over 160 ships (mostly submarines) are propelled by nuclear reactors.

• Uranium is the LOWEST non-carbon operating cost per MWh fuel source
• Nuclear is increasingly being recognised as a contributor to a low carbon future
• Nuclear energy provides reliable base load power and accounts for 10% of global electricity
• Growing interest in Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) in Canada, Scandinavian countries and Middle east.
• Inventory built up since Fukushima is near exhausted
• Long process from mining converting Enriching fuel rod fabrication (~2yrs)

​

Demand - it’s increasing

• Industry is driven by energy and electricity consumption which continues to rise yr-on-yr
• · Steady Uranium demand growth
• · As of 2020 177Mlb (million pounds) required to fuel the
• · 440 operating reactors wordwide – providing 10% of worlds electricity
• · Further 56 under construction globally
• · China building 12 new reactors this year with further 44 planned over next 15yrs
• · Further 108 reactors planned for construction globally after 2020

By Country:

• · France – depends on 78% of electrical production from nuclear with 54 operating reactors
• · USA – 20% of elect production with 95 operable reactors
• · Canada has 19 reactors for 15% with life extension under way for 30-35yrs to phase out coal
• · Russia – 38 reactors for 20% elect with 4 new under construction and 11 new plants by 2030
• · China – 47 reactors with plan to build further 56 as per their 2020 Energy Development Strategy – with the impetus for developing new nuclear power for need to improve urban air quality
• · India – 22 reactors for 3% elect supply with further 7 under construction
• · 220 Research reactors in 50 countries with more under construction. Production of medical and industrial isotopes and training.
• · Over 160 ships (submarines and air-craft carriers) propelled by some 200 reactors

So that’s demand. It’s set and its increasing as the world’s energy and electricity demands increase and as Green Governance Policy is introduced to reduce carbon emissions.

Supply - it’s been decreasing and accelerated due to COVID

Since 2016, global supply of Uranium has been decreasing. This is due to sustained low uranium prices that have led to supply cuts (mines shutin) and small companies closed.

• · Mines were scheduled to supply 135Mlb in 2020 with the rest coming from secondary supply and inventory drawdown.
• · Due to covid this was reduced to 115Mlb
• · The two biggest uranium producers (Kazataprom and Comeco began closing mines in 2016
  • Cameco closed Rabbit Lake in 2016
  • Suspended McArthur River in 2018 (~18Mlb/annum)
  • Cigar lake suspended (due to Covid – see next section)
• · Kazahkstan is the world’s largest supplier of uranium – they have actively been reducing production and in 2017 announced a 20% reduction for three years – purely because of the low price.
• · Kazataprom has openly stated they will not replace the lbs of lost production as it is not in their best interest to produce their finite resource at the lower Uranium prices.
• · Paladin’s Langer Heinrich was suspended in May 2018

As a result of the planned mine closures and production cuts, the spot market price surged from US$24/lb to $33/lb at the start of this year.

COVID Impact

Further to the planned production shut-in and closures, COVID has accelerated the looming supply shortage with even greater production cuts and mine closures.

• · Cameco closed its Cigar Lake mine in Canada due to risk to a Native population. 18Mlb/yr mine closed indefinitely
• · Kazakhstan in march 2020 announced suspension of pre-drilling ops. As they mine they have to drill ahead. 10Mlb/yr reduction in 2020 supply. They drill 3-months ahead of where they are mining from which is halting production now (Aug/Sep 2020)
• · Namibia suspended Rossing and Husab mines on 28th-March
• · Approx. 20Mlb hit to mine supply (135Mlb to 115Mlb coming out of mine in 2020 and dropping by about 5Mlb/month as each month of covid restrictions continues)
• · Accelerating the commercial inventory supply drawdown.

Inventory

Inventory (storage by utility companies, traders, and governments) has been drawn down year-on-year since 2014. COVID has exacerbated the drawdown in 2020 from 35Mlb to 50Mlb

• · Utility companies (the reactor operators supplying electricity) tend to hold 2-2.5 years of inventory supply – they HAVE to have the guarantee of fuel for reactors.
• · Additional cold war / weaponry strategic inventory of ~240Mlb in US and 360Mlb in Russia
• · US has utility inventory of 110Mlb (2019) which is just over 2yrs supply to fuel their reactors (~50Mlb/yr consumption)
• · Kazataprom holds usually 6months of supply, though are down to just 3months – i.e. they will build up own inventory first.
• · China has no home-land uranium production, but some of the highest uranium demand. They have ~400Mlb-425Mlb held by China and that will not be for sale to the market.
• · Russia has a national industry policy to market their expertise – to build nuclear power plants for other countries. As part of that deal, they agreed to supply all the fuel for the plants for the life of the plant. Their inventory, though not widely shared is expected to be around 260-300Mlb though they need that inventory for future demand obligations

In summary, a lot of lbs in inventory are just not available to be sold and will not be made available to the market.
The Market is in supply deficit and is using inventory to fill the gap between supply and demand.

Market Outlook

• Growing mine supply gap
• Producers cutting production since 2016
• Steady increasing demand – especially china, India, middle east and EU
• Storage inventory reducing and most of what is left won’t be sold into the market
• Uranium spot price has performed strongly year-to-date
• Uranium contract coverage in US declines markedly from 2022-2023, down to less than 50% by 2024
• US utilities are expected to re-enter the mid to long-term market contracts (3-7yrs) in Q4 2020
• Russian Suspension Agreement negotiations creating some near-term uncertainty
• Continue to see more risk to Uranium supply side on back of COVID
• Steady Uranium demand growth from nuclear reactor build programme

Who is going to supply commercial inventory?
There is no chance that primary (mined) + secondary (recycled) supply can meet consumption. That is even accounting for shut-in capacity coming back online right now – which won’t happen.
So new projects HAVE to get started.

• Open pit mining is where big volumes come from – all take atleast 2.5 to 3 years to build and couple years to permit and prove to utility companies they have a high-grade product.
• Due to sustained low prices since 2013 the industry has not been invested in for last 7-8years.
• No real capital has come in to replace depleting assets for close to decade now. i.e. there is no backlog of projects that can come on-stream in a few years.
• Nuclear reactor plants have been constructed but no investment into the mines and producers

Decisions by many producers, including the lowest-cost producers, have been made to preserve long-term value by leaving Uranium in the ground increasing the number of supply disruptions.
On the back of COVID, unplanned supply disruptions has further increased the gap between the supply deficit and growing demand.
Most EU and US long-term utility contracts expire between 2022 and 2023 with less than 50% extending past 2024. i.e. the Utility companies will shortly be going back to market to lock in future supply.
Despite the stigma associated with uranium, nor whether you love it or hate, regardless there is a clear supply demand gap and the market will make its move accordingly. It’s just up to you whether you want to be part of it or not. Disclosure: I am part of it

TL:DR Uranium is at supply deficit with next 12-18months proving inevitable supply gap coupled with increasing demand as world governments look to reducing carbon emissions and electricity and energy demand increases.

ASX stocks to watch – if this post gets enough attention ill provide due diligence on few individual companies that are standing out from the pack where huge gains will be made.
ASX:LOT Lotus Resources - purchased shut-in Kayelekera mine in Malawi from Paladin in 2019. Are currently talking to utility and commercial companies to re-open at a set U. price.
ASX:DYL Deep Yellow Resources - Chaired and driven by Josh Borshoff – ex Paladin CEO who took Paladin from $2mill market cap to $4BILLION market cap in 2005 Uranium bull market.
ASX:VMY Vimy Resources – uranium miner with assets being developed in North QLD and NT
ASX:PEN Peninsula Energy
ASX: GTR GTI Resources
ASX:BOE Boss Resources
ASX:PDN Paladin Resources
​
#Uranium #Uraniumbullmarket

Every day in October for 30 days I'm watching a different scary movie, this year exploring the theme of horror stories set in small towns.
And when it comes to small town horror, I don’t doubt that I could fill all 30 days of this watchfest with adaptations of Stephen King books. Understand, this is sort of like Mutual Assured Destruction during the Cold War: Nobody should actually want to do it, but the fact that it’s possible is critically important.
1993’s “Needful Things” crept into theaters just two years after publication of the book. In a 2013 Guardian interview, King referred to the story as “a satire of Reagan-era materialism” and said that critics at the time didn’t get it.
Personally I think that’s about as likely as someone not understanding the meaning of the horse’s head in their bed, because it’s not like this is deft or subtle storytelling. Max Von Sydow is the devil, and he’s opened a little antique shop that just happens to magically have whatever you’re looking for, but in exchange you have to--and this is critical--be an asshole to somebody.
He’s not asking for people’s souls or anything, he just wants them to be antagonistic towards each other. I guess this gets souls the roundabout way, like Crowley screwing with the M25 in London? I’m never really clear on these stories where the devil is stealing one soul at a time with fiddle contests and such--sure, it’s great craftsmanship, but where are the economies of scale?
The idea here is that the town of Castle Rock--where I’m told King set a lot of stories, though this was one of the last--is teeming with stupid and petty rivalries that require only Von Sydow’s polite accent and stock of rare baseball cards and china clowns to send everyone over the edge.
I get the impression this was a stronger idea in concept than execution, or maybe the book was better realized? Town sheriff Ed Harris--this is very credible casting BTW, I would be borderline afraid not to vote for Ed Harris--says at the end that the townsfolk are basically good people but, uh, are they?
It sure didn’t take much to get them to chop up their neighbors with an axe or bludgeon their wives or--fuck, BOMB A CHURCH, really? Ed, I know it’s an election year and all, but it might be time to just throw in the towel on these folks.
So “Needful Things” is not a very effective morality story. I’m fascinated by King’s Reagan-era bitterness; in his half-memoir “On Writing,” he opines that he’s resentful of his generation because he perceived that they could have changed the world but were seduced by easy and stupid comforts instead.
Honestly, I suspect that the Baby Boomers probably changed the world about as much as any largely unrelated population of people ever could en masse. But more than that, I’m intrigued by the fact that many of the evils of “Needful Things” are predicated on misbegotten longing for the past, which clashes in an interesting way with what I perceive to be the author’s own warped perceptions of latter days.
Anyway, this is not great as character drama or as a parable, but if you come at it as just sheer loony camp then I admit it’s actually pretty hysterical. Harris is ostensibly our hero, but there’s really no room for him to do much of anything until the final act, which means that actually Von Sydow is our protagonist, as he’s the only thing keeping the story moving and pretty much everything in the story is pushing towards his goals.
If Von Sydow has ever done a bad performance in anything I wasn’t there for it, and while this part is probably about as challenging for him as falling out of bed, he at least seems like he’s having a good time.
Thirty years earlier he played Jesus in “The Greatest Story Ever Told,” opposite Donald Pleasance as the devil; “Needful Things” is definitely not the greatest story ever told, but I bet I know which of the two roles put an extra spring in his step when he got the set every morning.
Tomorrow we’ll look at another Stephen King-based movie, this one with a perhaps more fertile premise.
Original Trailer: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vbHVwHtfQ_E
Past "Needful Things" I Watched:
https://www.reddit.com/iwatchedanoldmovie/comments/b1e5h4/i_watched_needful_things_1993/

Previous episodes: Flamengo, Vasco, Fluminense, Grêmio, Botafogo, Atlético Mineiro, Internacional, Corinthians, Santos
In this series I will present each of the 12 Brazilian teams that together compose the "Big 12". My point is to make them more knowledgeable to you, since each one of these teams have their share of the Brazil national team success and of Brazilian club football accomplishments as a whole. I'll try to be as smooth, efficient and non-boring as I can. If the feedback is positive, I'll keep bringing more to this series. So ok, let's do this!
Method: I'll present the teams in a chronological order, from the oldest foundation (Flamengo-1895) to the latest one (São Paulo-1930). The order will be: Flamengo, Vasco, Fluminense, Grêmio, Botafogo, Atlético Mineiro, Internacional, Corinthians, Santos, Palmeiras, Cruzeiro, São Paulo. How many of these have you heard of?
Extra clubs: Due to a high number of requests, I'll also present 3 teams who don't belong to the Big12, but are also considered big clubs in Brazil: Bahia, Athletico Paranaense and Coritiba. Welcome to the club!
Geographical reference: Before we start, I'd like to ask something very simple from you. I want you to keep in mind that these 12 teams are spread in 4 different States in Brazil. The club's State name is written below, next to the club's name. It has a direct link to Google Maps, so that you can check it out to make this experience more accurate.

Episode 10/12: Palmeiras (State: São Paulo), founded in 1914

State rivals: Corinthians, São Paulo, Santos

Stadium: Allianz Parque (New) / Parque Antarctica (Old)

Mascot: Pig

Major achievements: 1 Copa Rio (1951), 1 Copa Libertadores (1999), 10 Brazilian Leagues (1960, 1967, 1967, 1969, 1972, 1973, 1993, 1994, 2016, 2018), 3 Copa do Brasil (1998, 2012, 2015), 1 Copa Mercosul (1998)

State League titles: 23 (Against Corinthians' 30, Santos' 22, São Paulo's 21)

PLAY AND LISTEN TO PALMEIRAS ANTHEM WHILE READING - Click here
Palestra Italia and the first decades
Palmeiras was founded as Palestra Italia in 1914, by Italian immigrants in São Paulo. In the 1920s, they acquired the ground of the Antarctica company, which included the Parque Antarctica stadium. On this decade, Palestra won 3 State Leagues and finished 2nd on three other opportunities. At this time and until 1959, there wasn't a national league yet, due to Brazil's huge size and weak infrastructure, so the State Leagues were the main tournament, which Palestra would win 5 more times in the 1930s. They also won the 1st edition of the prestigious Rio-São Paulo Tournament, a regional league attended by big teams from São Paulo and Rio only.
1942: World War II and Palestra becomes Palmeiras
Brazil were neutral in the 2nd World War until 1942, when they declared war against the Axis (Italy, Germany, Japan). This forced every club name related to these countries to be reconsidered, so Palestra Italia became Palestra.
However, the Brazilian government demanded that Palestra was also removed from the club's name, despite it being a greek word. Palmeiras was then adopted, to keep the letter P and in honor of the Associação Atlética das Palmeiras, an extinct club that helped Palestra on their early days.
In the 1940s, they won 4 more State Leagues titles, but were still behind their rival Corinthians on the overall counting - they would only surpass Corinthians in State League titles for the first time in 1972, keeping the record until 1982, to never surpass them again.
1951: Copa Rio, Palmeiras' first club world title
The Copa Rio was the first attempt of a club world cup, preceding the creation of the Intercontinental Cup in 1960.

Group	Club	Qualification
A	Palmeiras	1950 State League champion
B	Vasco (Brazil)	1950 State League champion
A	Juventus (Italy)	1950 Serie A champion
B	Sporting (Portugal)	1950 Portuguese League champion
A	Red Star (Yugoslavia)	1950 Yugoslavia Cup champion
B	Austria Wien (Austria)	1950 Austrian League champion
A	Nice (France)	1951 French League champion
B	Nacional (Uruguay)	1950 Uruguayan League champion

Palmeiras placed 2nd inside their group, beating Nice 3-0, Red Star 2-1 and losing to Juventus 0-4. In the semis, they beat Vasco 2-1 and tied 0-0 in the return leg, before facing Juventus in the final.

Stage	Result	Attendance	Venue
Final	Palmeiras 1-0 Juventus	56.961	Maracanã
Final	Palmeiras 2-2 Juventus	100.093	Maracanã

In the final 2nd leg, Juventus opened the score at '18, but Palmeiras tied at '47. Juventus scored again at '63, but Palmeiras equalized it at '77. The match ended 2-2, and Palmeiras were crowned club world champions.
The 1960s: the first Academy of Football
After the Copa Rio title in 1951, Palmeiras won one more Rio-São Paulo Tournament in 1951 and one State League title in 1959, beating Pelé's Santos 2-1 on the last and decisive match.
In the 1960s, the Brazilian press gave Palmeiras the alias Academy of Football, due to the extreme class and technique of their teams. Players of the caliber of Ademir da Guia, Djalma Santos, Dudu, Julinho Botelho, Zequinha and Tupãzinho won Palmeiras several titles in the 1960s: 4 Brazilian Leagues (1960, 1967, 1967, 1969), 2 State Leagues (1963, 1966) and 1 Rio-São Paulo Tournament (1965). The 1960s Palmeiras are notably known for stopping Pelé's Santos from winning almost everything in the decade.

Player	Period	Apps	Goals	Brazil NT caps	Goals	World Cup att.
Ademir da Guia	1962-77	902	153	14	-	1 (1974)
Dudu	1964-75	609	25	13	1	-
Julinho Botelho	1958-67	269	81	24	11	1 (1954)
Djalma Santos	1959-68	498	10	100	3	4 (1954, 1958, 1962, 1966)
Zequinha	1958-68	417	40	16	2	1 (1962)
Tupãzinho	1963-68	231	122	-	-	-

They also reached two Copa Libertadores finals: in 1961, Palmeiras lost to Peñarol (0-1, 1-1), and in 1968, to Estudiantes (1-2, 3-1, 0-2).
The 1970s: the second Academy of Football
The second wave of Palmeiras' Football Academy took place in the 1970s. Still led by Ademir da Guia and Dudu, the club was reinforced by Luís Pereira, Leivinha, César Maluco and Leão.

Player	Period	Apps	Goals	Brazil NT caps	Goals	World Cup att.
Luís Pereira	1968-75	346	19	38	1	1 (1974)
Leivinha	1971-75	268	108	27	7	1 (1974)
César Maluco	1967-75	327	182	13	1	1 (1974)
Leão	1968-78	617	-	105	-	4 (1970, 1974, 1978, 1986)

Together at Palmeiras, these monsters won 2 Brazilian Leagues (1972, 1973) and 2 State Leagues (1972, 1974). In the 1974 World Cup, Palmeiras provided Brazil with 6 players (Leão, Luís Pereira, Leivinha, César Maluco, Ademir da Guia and Alfredo), finishing in the 4th place.
In the end, the Palmeiras Academy won the same number of Brasileirão titles as Pelé's Santos (6) and reached the same number of Copa Libertadores finals (2). However, they won 6 fewer State League titles (4x10).
Highlights to the 1973 Brazilian League title, with only 3 defeats in 40 matches. In the final stage, Palmeiras beat 1-0 the strong Cruzeiro of Nelinho, Piazza, Palhinha and Dirceu Lopes, away at the Mineirão stadium, with this goal from Edu Bala at '74. Then they beat 2-1 another strong team, the Internacional of Figueroa, Carpegiani, Valdomiro, Falcão, Claudiomiro and Escurinho. After Internacional opened the score, Palmeiras tied at '77 with Ronaldo and Luís Pereira scored the winning goal at '80. On the last match, a 0-0 tie against São Paulo was enough for Palmeiras to be declared Brazilian champions for the 6th time. Only 35 years later, in 2008, would a new team (São Paulo FC) reach the number of 6 Brazilian League titles.
In 1974, Palmeiras met their archrival Corinthians in the State League final. Corinthians were on a 20-year title drought (since 1954) and desperately needed a trophy. In front of 122.522 supporters at the Morumbi stadium, Palmeiras won the final 1-0, with this goal from Ronaldo, and left their rivals trophyless for one more season.
In 1976, Palmeiras won their last title before a drought that would last until 1993. They won the 1976 State League title against XV de Piracicaba, 1-0 at home. It would also be Ademir da Guia last title at the club, before he left in 1977.
1993-2000: the Parmalat Era
Between 1976 and 1993, Palmeiras didn't win a single title, finishing 2nd in one Brazilian League (1978) and in two State Leagues (1986, 1992).
In 1992, however, the Italian company Parmalat signed a huge deal with the club, bringing expensive and talented players. In 1993 already, they won 1 State League, 1 Rio-São Paulo Tournament and 1 Brazilian League. In 1994, they once again won the State and the Brazilian Leagues. Until the end of the decade, they would win one more State League (1996), one Copa do Brasil (1998), one Copa Mercosul (1998), one Rio-São Paulo Tournament (2000), one Copa dos Campeões (2000), and the most important title, the 1999 Copa Libertadores. Therefore, in 8 years (93-2000), Palmeiras won 2 continental titles, 4 national trophies, 3 state leagues and 2 interstate tournaments - totalizing 11 major titles.
The coach appointed to start this new era of the club was Luxemburgo, who had done good works for Bragantino, winning the Serie B in 1989 and the 1990 São Paulo State League. He stayed at the club from 1993 to 1994, and in 1996.
1993-94: back-to-back State and Brazilian League titles
The 16-year title drought ended in the 1993 State League final against their archrival Corinthians. On the 1st leg, a 0-1 defeat, with a historical teasing by Corinthians' forward Viola, who imitated a pig when celebrating his goal. On the return leg, Palmeiras smashed them with a 4-0 victory (6mn33 video), with goals from Evair (2x), Edilson and Zinho.
Two months later, they won the Rio-São Paulo Tournament, again against Corinthians (2-0 and 0-0). In the Brazilian League, Palmeiras dominated with 81% of points, and only 2 defeats in 22 matches. In the final against Vitória, two victories: 1-0 away with a goal from Edilson, and 2-0 at home, with goals from Evair and Edmundo. Palmeiras became Brazilian champions for the 7th time, the first club to achieve so - the second would be Santos in 2002, then Corinthians in 2017 and Flamengo in 2019.
Four Palmeiras' players were elected to the League Best XI: Antônio Carlos, Roberto Carlos, César Sampaio and Edmundo.
Of the 1993 team, three great players were there since 1991: César Sampaio, Amaral and Evair. Parmalat brought Antônio Carlos, Cléber, Roberto Carlos, Mazinho, Edílson, Zinho and Edmundo. All of them (except Amaral, Cléber and Evair) played at least 25 matches for the Brazil NT, with two winning the 1994 World Cup (Zinho, Mazinho), three reaching the 1998 World Cup final (Roberto Carlos, César Sampaio, Edmundo) and two winning the 2002 World Cup (Roberto Carlos, Edilson).

Player	Period	Apps	Goals	Brazil NT caps	Goals	World Cup att.
Antônio Carlos	1993-95	58	5	37	3	-
Cléber	1993-99	372	21	13	-	-
Roberto Carlos	1993-95	162	20	126	12	3 (1998, 2002, 2006)
Amaral	1991-97	107	3	12	-	-
César Sampaio	1991-94, 99-00	304	25	47	6	1 (1998)
Mazinho	1992-94	127	2	35	-	1 (1994)
Edílson	1993-95	151	59	25	6	1 (2002)
Zinho	1992-94, 97-99, 01-02	460	95	57	7	1 (1994)
Edmundo	1993-95, 06-07	269	141	39	10	1 (1998)
Evair	1991-94, 99	245	126	11	5	-

In 1994, the team increased with the arrivals of Rincón, from América de Cali, Flávio Conceição, from Rio Branco and Rivaldo, from Mogi Mirim.
They began the season winning the 1994 State League, gathering 78% of the points, and losing only three times in 30 matches.
In the 1994 Brazilian League, Palmeiras led the 1st stage and then won 5 of the 6 knock-out matches. They beat Bahia twice in the QF (2-1, 2-1), and the strong Guarani of Luizão, Djalminha and Amoroso twice in the SF (3-1, 2-1).
In the big final against Corinthians, Rivaldo opened the score with this nice goal at '45. He scored again at '63, and Edmundo this nice 3-0 goal at '65. The match ended 3-1, and Palmeiras only needed a tie in the 2nd leg - which ended 1-1, with Rivaldo scoring the tie at '81.
Palmeiras were back-to-back Brazilian League champions, and had now 8 National League titles, a record only reached in 2004 by Santos.
Four Palmeiras' players were elected to the League's Best XI: Cléber, Roberto Carlos, Zinho and Rivaldo.

Player	Period	Apps	Goals	Brazil NT caps	Goals	World Cup att.
Rincón (Colombia)	1994, 96-97	93	30	84	17	3 (1990, 1994, 1998)
Flávio Conceição	1994-96	103	5	45	4	-
Rivaldo	1994-96	97	78	74	37	2 (1998, 2002)

However, in the 1994 Copa Libertadores, Palmeiras were knocked out by São Paulo in the ro16 (0-0, 1-2), but they applied a sonorous 6-1 victory against Boca Juniors, with this great goal by Roberto Carlos, assisted by Evair.
The team got dismantled, and in 1995 they only finished 2nd in the State League, 5th in the Brazilian League, and got epically knocked out in the Copa Libertadores quarter-finals against Grêmio (0-5, 5-1).
The 1996 superteam: 102 goals/30 matches and State League champions
In 1996, the coach Luxemburgo returned to Palmeiras, after a year span at Flamengo.
From the 1993-94 Palmeiras squad, Velloso, Cléber, Amaral, Flavio Conceição and Rivaldo remained.
New stars arrived at the club: Cafu from Real Zaragoza, Júnior from Vitória, Müller from Kashiwa Reysol, and Luizão and Djalminha from Guarani.
Together, they gathered 92% of the points, winning 27 of the 30 State League matches, scoring 102 goals and conceding only 19. Since a 100%-rate title campaign in 1932, the closest a team got to this 92% rate record were 1961 and 1965 Pelé's Santos with 87%, 1945/1953 São Paulo, 1939/1951 Corinthians and 1933/1934/1942/1947 Palmeiras with 88%, and 1946 São Paulo with 90%.
In terms of goals scored, they rank #9 in the history of the tournament, and have the highest record since 1962.

Player	Period	Apps	Goals	Brazil NT caps	Goals	World Cup att.
Cafu	1995-97	101	13	149	5	4 (1994, 1998, 2002, 2006)
Júnior	1996-00	337	20	22	1	1 (2002)
Müller	1995-96	69	38	59	12	3 (1986, 1990, 1994)
Luizão	1996-97	91	56	17	3	1 (2002)
Djalminha	1996-97	83	45	14	5	-

With the departures of Flávio Conceição, Rivaldo and Müller, Palmeiras had a certain quality drop. Nevertheless, they still finished 2nd to Cruzeiro in the Copa do Brasil (1-1, 1-2).
Luxemburgo left at the end of the season for a bigger salary at Santos. He won 149 of 232 matches (64% win rate), lost 36 matches (16%), and had an overall rate of 71%.
The 1997 season was a bit below due to the lack of titles, but Palmeiras finished 2nd on the league, and reached the semi-finals of the Copa do Brasil, of the State League and of the Rio-São Paulo Tournament. But it was the arrival of the coach Scolari, the Felipão, in mid-1997 that would ignite Palmeiras into higher flights.
1998-2000: the Felipão (Scolari) Era
In this period, Palmeiras won 2 continental titles (1998 Mercosul, 1999 Libertadores), 2 national cups (1998 Copa do Brasil, 2000 Copa dos Campeões) and 1 regional league (2000 Rio-São Paulo Tournament). They also finished 2nd in 1 club world cup (1999 Intercontinental Cup), 3 continental cups (1999 and 2000 Copa Mercosul, 2000 Libertadores) and 1 state league (1999 Paulista).
With the 1996-97 team dismantled, Scolari rebuilt the team by using more Marcos, Roque Júnior and Galeano, and bringing Arce, Junior Baiano, Oséas, Paulo Nunes, Euller and of course, the maestro number 10 Alex - the most capped Brazilian player (49) not to be called to a World Cup.

Player	Period	Apps	Goals	Brazil NT caps	Goals	World Cup att.
Marcos	1992-2012	534	-	29	-	1 (2002)
Roque Júnior	1995-00	206	15	48	2	1 (2002)
Júnior Baiano	1998-99	72	16	25	2	1 (1998)
Arce (Paraguay)	1998-02	242	57	61	5	2 (1998, 2002)
Galeano	1989-02	477	27	-	-	-
Oséas	1997-99	172	65	2	-	-
Paulo Nunes	1998-99	138	73	2	-	-
Euller	1997-00	115	39	7	3	-
Alex	1997-00, 2002	200	60	49	12	-

The team lacked the offensive talent and quality of the previous generations, but had a more solid defense. Palmeiras supporters wanted the Copa Libertadores more than anything - their state rivals Santos and São Paulo had two already, as well as Grêmio, while Flamengo, Vasco and Cruzeiro had one each. Scolari had the experience of winning the Libertadores in 1995, with Grêmio, along with the Paraguayan right-back Arce and the forward Paulo Nunes that he brought to Palmeiras.
The first step was the 1998 Copa do Brasil, which would give one Libertadores spot. Palmeiras didn't have difficulties until the semi-finals against Santos: they tied 1-1 at home, and Santos opened the score in the return leg. With these two nice goals, Palmeiras overcame the score 2-1 and left with a 2-2 tie that put them on the final, against Cruzeiro. They lost the 1st leg 0-1 away, and opened the score at '12 with Paulo Nunes in the 2nd leg. At '89, Oséas scored the second and title goal after a free-kick, as Palmeiras became Copa do Brasil champions for the first time.
Later that year, Palmeiras destroyed their Copa Mercosul group: 2-1 Independiente (Argentina), 5-0 Nacional (Uruguay), 2-1 U. de Chile (Chile), 3-0 Independiente (Argentina), 3-1 Nacional (Uruguay), 1-0 U. de Chile (Chile). Highlights to this assist by left-back Júnior against Nacional from Uruguay.
With their reserves, they beat Boca Juniors 3-1 in Brazil, and tied 1-1 in Argentina, for the quarter-finals. Olimpia from Paraguay didn't offer problems in the semis: 2-0 and 1-0 to Palmeiras. In the final against Cruzeiro, Palmeiras lost 1-2 away in the 1st leg. At home in the 2nd leg, Cruzeiro opened the score at '3, but Palmeiras overcame with Cléber at '8, Oséas at '52 and Paulo Nunes at '85. On the 3rd match, this goal from Arce at '62, at home, gave Palmeiras their first continental-second tier title, the 1998 Copa Mercosul.
The 1999 Copa Libertadores title
After finishing 2nd twice in their golden era (1961, 1968), Palmeiras finally conquered South America, with 7W-2D-5L.
Palmeiras shared their group stage with archrival Corinthians and the Paraguayans Cerro Porteño and Olimpia. At that time, three teams would advance, and Palmeiras qualified in the 2nd place, behind Corinthians.
In the ro16, they met the current champions Vasco, of Juninho, Ramón, Donizete and Luizão. They only tied 1-1 at home, and saw Vasco open the score at the Maracanã. Palmeiras scored twice, before conceding the second goal. In the second half, Palmeiras scored twice again, and won the match 4-2.
The derby against Corinthians in the quarter-finals saw two same results: 2-0 and 0-2. Their rival could have scored once in the 1st leg though, at '78, if this crazy shot that hit the upper post and then the back of goalkeeper Marcos had gone a few centimeters into the other side. In the penalties, Palmeiras won 4-2, with Dinei missing the target and Marcos saving Vampeta's shot.
In the semis against River Plate, Palmeiras left Argentina with a 0-1 defeat. At home, in Brazil, Alex opened the score with this great goal, and two minutes later, Palmeiras scored the second with Roque Junior. In the 2nd half, Marcos kept the goal safe, and Alex closed the Argentine coffin with this fine touch.
In the big final against Deportivo Cali, they lost the first leg away 0-1 like in the semis. At home, Palmeiras opened the score only at '65, from this penalty kick, but Deportivo tied 5 minutes later, also from a penalty kick. Five minutes later, however, Palmeiras scored the second with Oséas, and the title would be decided in the penalties.
Palmeiras missed the first shot with Zinho, hitting the upper post, while Deportivo scored. Both teams scored the second and third shots. Palmeiras scored the fourth, and Deportivo hit the right post. Euller scored the fifth, and Zapata lost Deportivo's final penalty. Palmeiras conquered South America for the first time in their history.
This title qualified Palmeiras to the 1999 Intercontinental Cup in Japan, against European champions Manchester United.
Palmeiras played a far better match than the Red Devils, but this unfortunate mistake by goalkeeper Marcos let them open the score at '35. Palmeiras also had this wrongly disallowed goal at '50, and Oséas missed this absurd opportunity at '74.
In 2000, Palmeiras kept the good shape, and began the season winning the Rio-São Paulo Tournament, beating 4-0 the strong Vasco of Edmundo and Romario in the final.
Five months later, they won the Copa dos Campeões, after beating Cruzeiro (3-1, 1-1), Flamengo (1-2, 1-0) and Sport (2-1), therefore picking a spot in the 2001 Copa Libertadores.
But the peak of the season was the Libertadores, which they finished in the 2nd place, losing to Boca Juniors in the final (2-2, 0-0), in the penalties (2-4).
First, Saint Marcos (Palmeiras goalkeeper), saved two penalties in a clutch moment against Peñarol in the ro16.
In the semis, the biggest derby in South American history: Palmeiras met their archrival Corinthians, current back-to-back Brazilian League champions, of the stars Dida, Kléber, Vampeta, Ricardinho, Marcelinho Carioca, Edilson and Luizão, once again in the knock-outs, just like in 1999. The first leg was a crazy 4-3 match in Corinthians' favor and the second leg, another crazy 3-2 match in Palmeiras favor. In the penalties, nobody had missed their shot, until Corinthians biggest idol, Marcelinho Carioca, had his penalty saved by Saint Marcos, who put Palmeiras in the final. No other derby played in South America have been higher than Corinthians x Palmeiras encounters in the 1999 and 2000 Copa Libertadores knock-out stages.
Unfortunately, the final against Boca Juniors was a refereeing disgrace: Boca had one goal wrongly disallowed and Palmeiras had at least two penalties not awarded in the 2nd leg at home, which ended 0-0, leading to penalties. Palmeiras played better football, while Boca parked the bus.
2001-2013: end of Parmalat Era, and humble times
In this period, Palmeiras got relegated twice (2002, 2012), won 1 State League (2008) and 1 Copa do Brasil (2012).
The peak of this period was the controversial elimination by Riquelme's Boca in the 2001 Copa Libertadores semi-finals: on the 1st leg in Argentina (2-2), the referee invented this penalty to Boca, which Schelotto scored, and he didn't concede a clear penalty in Palmeiras' favor on Fernando, sending the player off for "simulation". Boca were a great team, but it is generally agreed in Brazil - even by rivals - that Palmeiras was better, and if not for the referees shameful displays in 2000 and 2001, they would very likely end up with 3 consecutive Libertadores titles (1999, 2000, 2001).
In 2002, Alex scored this masterpiece of a goal against Rogério Ceni's São Paulo.
In 2009, Palmeiras led the Brazilian League for 19 rounds, but ended up in the 5th place, not even qualifying to the Copa Libertadores.
2014-today
In 2014, centenary year of the club, their new stadium Allianz Parque was inaugurated.
In 2015, Palmeiras won their 3rd Copa do Brasil title on the penalties (4-3) against Santos, in a crazy final. The 1st leg in Santos ended 0-1, with their rival missing the opportunity of the century at '95. In the 2nd leg, Palmeiras scored their second goal (2-0) at '84, but Santos scored at '86, leading it to the penalties, won 4-3 by Palmeiras.
In 2016 and 2018, Palmeiras won their 9th and 10th Brazilian League titles, a national record. They were led by the league MVP Gabriel Jesus in 2016 and by the most recent club idol Dudu in 2016 and 2018. They also finished second in 2017, and reached the Copa Libertadores semi-finals in 2018, losing to Boca Juniors (0-2, 2-2).

Player	Period	Apps	Goals	Assists	Brazil NT caps	Goals	World Cup att.
Gabriel Jesus	2015-16	83	28	10	39	18	1 (2018)
Dudu	2015-20	305	70	75	3	1	-

As of 2020, the club won the State League (0-0, 1-1, p.k. 4-3) after 12 years, against their archrival Corinthians, coached by Luxemburgo and led by the young midfielder Patrick de Paula. Gabriel Menino and Gabriel Verón are the other young bets of the club for this season.
To this day, Palmeiras has the 4th largest fanbase in Brazil with 12 million supporters, and a stadium attendance average of 28.000, as of 2019.
If you have any questions about Brazilian football, feel free to join us at futebol, where you'll be very welcomed!

Previous episodes: Flamengo, Vasco, Fluminense, Grêmio, Botafogo, Atlético Mineiro, Internacional, Corinthians
In this series I will present each of the 12 Brazilian teams that together compose the "Big 12". My point is to make them more knowledgeable to you, since each one of these teams have their share of the Brazil national team success and of Brazilian club football accomplishments as a whole. I'll try to be as smooth, efficient and non-boring as I can. If the feedback is positive, I'll keep bringing more to this series. So ok, let's do this!
Method: I'll present the teams in a chronological order, from the oldest foundation (Flamengo-1895) to the latest one (São Paulo-1930). The order will be: Flamengo, Vasco, Fluminense, Grêmio, Botafogo, Atlético Mineiro, Internacional, Corinthians, Santos, Palmeiras, Cruzeiro, São Paulo. How many of these have you heard of?
Extra clubs: Due to a high number of requests, I'll also present 3 teams who don't belong to the Big12, but are also considered big clubs in Brazil: Bahia, Athletico Paranaense and Coritiba. Welcome to the club!
Geographical reference: Before we start, I'd like to ask something very simple from you. I want you to keep in mind that these 12 teams are spread in 4 different States in Brazil. The club's State name is written below, next to the club's name. It has a direct link to Google Maps, so that you can check it out to make this experience more accurate.

Episode 9/12: Santos (State: São Paulo), founded in 1912

State rivals: São Paulo, Palmeiras, Corinthians

Stadium: Vila Belmiro

Mascot: Whale

Major achievements: 2 Intercontinental Cup (1962, 1963), 3 Copa Libertadores (1962, 1963, 2011), 8 Brazilian Leagues (1961, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1965, 1968, 2002, 2004), 1 Copa do Brasil (2010)

State League titles: 22 (Against Corinthians' 30, Palmeiras' 23, São Paulo's 21)

PLAY AND LISTEN TO SANTOS ANTHEM WHILE READING - Click here
The Football Kingdom
There's an urban legend that says that a lightning never strikes the same place twice. But apparently this legend doesn't apply to the physics of Santos, a humble and small port city on the coast of São Paulo. There, a young kid named Pelé, would come up to become football's greatest legend, a man that could stop a war with his foot, a man that transcended all sports combined. In that same city of Santos - with a probable electromagnetic sequel caused by the lightning of Pelé - were raised the raw talents of the princes Robinho and Neymar. Curiously enough, Marta, the Queen of Football, and Falcão, the King of Futsal, also stepped foot and left a legacy at Santos, the football kingdom of the world. Let the story begin!
The early years and the 100-goal team at 1929 São Paulo State League
Santos was founded in 1912, but only on the late 1920s the team would become a threat to the State League teams from the state capital, São Paulo. Indeed, in 1927, the team led by Araken Patusca and Feitiço scored 100 goals in 16 matches, an average of 6,25 goals/match, a world record in official competitions until today. However, they lost the title in the last round to Palmeiras. These two players would make history in Santos: Feitiço scored 214 goals and is the Santos 5th top goalscorer of all time, while Araken Patusca scored 184, and is the 7th.
In 1935, Santos would win their first State League title, after beating Corinthians 2-0.
The Pelé Era: the greatest team in the world, the team that stopped a war in Africa, Os Santásticos
Before Pelé arrived, Santos had recently won the 1955 and 1956 State Leagues, with a great team led by Brazil NT forwards Del Vecchio, Pepe, Pagão, Jair, and the midfielder Zito.
After Pelé left, Santos had added 25 more trophies to their cabinet: 2 Intercontinental Cups, 2 Copa Libertadores, 6 Brazilian Leagues, 10 State Leagues, 3 Rio-São Paulo Tournament, 1 Supercopa Sudamericana and 1 Recopa Intercontinental.
During Pelé's time in the 1960s, Santos scored around 3000 goals, with more than 1000 scored by the king, in both official competitions (643 goals) and friendlies (448 goals) for Santos. Actually, counting only teams from Europe big6, Pelé scored 103 goals in those high-level friendlies, as you can see here. If we count all European clubs and National Teams, Pelé scored 163 goals. He also scored 87 goals against 1st division Brazilian teams, 116 goals against South American teams and National Teams, 44 goals against African/Asian/Central American National Teams, totalizing 410 goals in high-level friendlies - all data details here. At that time, friendlies were highly hyped, and there were more Europeans attending friendlies vs. Santos than attending their own national leagues matches - attendance data here.

League	1960s League att. average	Friendlies vs Santos att. average
England	29.180	34.800 (10 matches)
Spain	???	48.100 (9 matches)
Italy	21.056	39.620 (33 matches)
Germany	24.160	31.700 (15 matches)
Portugal	???	34.000 (3 matches)
France	8.400	32.300 (8 matches)
Overall	20.700	36.750 (78 matches)

• Sources: England, Italy, Germany, France, Santos

Pelé arrived at Santos in 1956, at the age of 15. In that same year arrived the right-wing Dorval, aged 21. In 1958 arrived the centre-forward Coutinho, aged 14, and in 1960 the attacking midfielder, Mengálvio, aged 20. They all joined the left-wing Pepe, at Santos since 1954, to form the famous quintet that dominated the world: Dorval, Mengálvio, Coutinho, Pelé and Pepe.

Player	Apps	Goals	Brazil NT Caps	Goals	World Cup titles
Dorval (1956-67)	612	198	7	-	-
Mengálvio (1960-68)	371	28	14	1	1 (1962)
Coutinho (1958-68)	457	368	15	6	1 (1962)
Pelé (1956-74)	1116	1091	92	77	3 (1958, 1962, 1970)
Pepe (1954-69)	750	405	40	22	2 (1958, 1962)

But everything started in the 1957 São Paulo State League, when Pelé was topscorer with 36 goals, at the age of 16. There wasn't a National League until 1959, due to Brazil's huge size and weak infrastructure, so the players would shine in the State Leagues, which lasted the entire year. Pelé, at 17, broke the São Paulo State League record (until today), scoring 58 goals in 38 matches, in 1958 - which brought him to the Brazil NT and to the 1958 World Cup. After winning it, him and Santos started travelling in exhibition tours to make cash and challenge the best teams around the world in "friendly" matches.
In 1959, Santos took part in the 1st Brazilian League edition, qualifying as São Paulo State League champions. However, they lost the final to Bahia (2-3, 2-0, 1-3).
As Santos lost the 1959 São Paulo State League finals to Palmeiras, they didn't qualify to the 1960 Brazilian League.
However, they won the 1960 São Paulo State League and qualified to the 1961 Brazilian League. From 1961 to 1965, Santos won 5 consecutive Brazilian Leagues, a record until today. However, Santos would always enter in the semi-finals and only play 4-5 matches to be crowned champions - this rule would only be modified from the 1967 Brazilian League.

Year	Champion	Runner-up	Results
1961 Brazilian League	Santos	Bahia	1-1, 5-1
1962 Brazilian League	Santos	Botafogo	4-3, 1-3, 5-0
1963 Brazilian League	Santos	Bahia	6-0, 2-0
1964 Brazilian League	Santos	Flamengo	4-1, 0-0
1965 Brazilian League	Santos	Vasco	5-1, 1-0

Highlights to the 1962 final between Santos and Botafogo, which had 11 players from the 1962 World Cup won by Brazil: Gylmar, Mauro, Zito, Mengálvio, Coutinho, Pelé, Pepe (Santos), Nilton Santos, Garrincha, Amarildo, Zagallo (Botafogo). Santos won the decisive match 5-0 at the Maracanã, with this goal from Pelé.
In 1962, Santos also participated in their first Copa Libertadores, qualified as the 1961 Brazilian League champions. Santos topped their group stage against Cerro Porteño (Paraguay) (9-1, 1-1) and Municipal (Bolivia) (6-1, 4-3). In the semis against Universidad Católica (Chile), Santos tied 1-1 away, and won 1-0 at home. The final would be against Peñarol (Uruguay). Santos won the first leg 2-1 in Uruguay, with two goals from Coutinho, in a great comeback. In the 2nd leg in Brazil, a crazy story: after a big and violent confusion, the match was restarted and Peñarol scored the third goal at '51 (2-3). Santos only needed a tie and scored it at '67, the match ended 3-3 and Santos celebrated the title. However, the referee wrote down in the match report that the match was over at '51 - he was scared to really end it, so he kept the match going until the end, but it wasn't counting for him, so he (and CONMEBOL) declared Peñarol the winners. This forced a third match, in neutral Argentina, which Santos dominated and won 3-0, with two goals from Pelé and one own goal from Peñarol. Santos were for the first time, and the first Brazilian team, crowned South American champions.
This title qualified Santos to the 1962 Intercontinental Cup, against the European champions, Benfica. The 1st leg at the Maracanã ended 3-2 for Santos, with 2 goals from Pelé and one from Coutinho. Before the 2nd match in Lisbon, Benfica announced that they were selling tickets for the third match, certain that they would win at home. However, Pelé destroyed the match with a splendid hat-trick, an assist, nutmegs and dribbling past the entire Benfica defense to score one of his goals. The match ended 5-2 before a crowd of 73.000 portuguese fans, and Pelé proved once again he was still football's king, as he and Santos were crowned club world champions for the first time. Highlights of the match here (4mn56 video).
The next year, in 1963, Santos would once again win the Copa Libertadores. Being the current champions, they entered in the semi-final stage against the legendary Botafogo of Garrincha, Didi and Nilton Santos. The 1st leg ended 1-1, with Pelé scoring a tie at '90. The 2nd match at the Maracanã ended 4-0 to Santos, with Pelé scoring the first goal, also the second goal from a header, and the third from a penalty kick. Lima scored the fourth, with an assist from Pepe. Santos were once again qualified to the Copa Libertadores final.
They would meet Boca Juniors, from Argentina. In the 1st leg at the Maracanã, Santos opened 3-0 with two goals from Coutinho - notably this one - and one from Lima. Boca, however, scored twice with Sanfilippo and the match ended 3-2.
The atmosphere at La Bombonera for the 2nd leg was intense. 50.000 Argentine kept singing "Pelé hijo de puta, macaquitos del Brasil" (Pelé son of a b., little monkeys from Brazil). Then Boca opened the score at '46 with Sanfilippo. However, 4 minutes later, Pelé assisted Coutinho to score the tie. Later, Pelé mocked the Boca team by playing with the ball at Boca's GK hand. And at '82, Pelé scored the winning goal and celebrated with euphory and anger: Santos were back-to-back Copa Libertadores champions.
Santos were once again qualified to the Intercontinental Cup, and would face Milan. Santos lost the 1st leg 2-4, at San Siro, in Milan. In the 2nd leg at the Maracanã, Milan went to half-time winning 2-0. A heavy rain began and the pitch became a mud. Santos, without Pelé, counted on Pepe's free-kick to score their first goal. Almir and Lima scored Santos second and third goals, at '54 and '65. Pepe, again from a free-kick, scored the fourth at '68, forcing a third match.
In the third and final match, at the Maracanã again, Maldini committed a penalty and was sent off. Still without Pelé, Dalmo scored the 1-0 winning goal, crowning Santos once again club world champions.
Santos wouldn't win the Copa Libertadores again in the 1960s. They reached the semis in 1964 and 1965, and refused to play it in 1966, 1967 and 1969 - not only it was financially unattractive, but also too violent and with tendencious refereeing. So Santos prefered to travel around the globe and make cash to pay their expensive team.
The "Santos Globetrotters", would tour the world and smash whoever and wherever. 7-1 Internazionale, 5-0 Roma, 6-2 Napoli, 3-0 Lazio, 5-1 Lecce, 5-1 Barcelona, 6-0 Hamburg, 9-1 TSV München 1860, 6-3 Wolfsburg, 5-2 Eintracht Frankfurt, 4-2 Hertha Berlin, 6-4 Fortuna Düsseldorf, 5-0 Arminia Bielefield, 6-3 Benfica, 4-2 Sheffield Wednesday, 4-2 Newcastle, 5-3 Reims, 6-1 Racing, 6-2 Lyon, 3-0 Toulouse, 3-0 Feyenoord, 5-0 Enschede, 3-0 Peñarol, 8-3 Racing (Argentina), 4-0 Independiente, 4-1 Boca Juniors, 4-0 River Plate...
In official competitions, Pelé's Santos played 6 matches against Europeans, with 5W-1L:

Competition	Result	Goals
1962 Intercontinental Cup	Santos 3-2 Benfica	Pelé (2x), Santana (2x), Coutinho
1962 Intercontinental Cup	Santos 5-2 Benfica	Pelé (3x), Eusébio, Coutinho, Pepe, Santana
1963 Intercontinental Cup	Santos 2-4 Milan	Pelé (2x), Amarildo (2x), Trapattoni, Mora
1963 Intercontinental Cup	Santos 4-2 Milan	Pepe (2x), Mazzola, Almir, Lima, Mora
1963 Intercontinental Cup	Santos 1-0 Milan	Dalmo
1968 Recopa Intercontinental	Santos 1-0 Internazionale	Toninho Guerreiro

However, Santos wasn't invincible, and Palmeiras stopped them from winning 12 consecutive State Leagues (1958-69), by beating Santos in 1959, 1963 and 1966.
1969: the year that Santos stopped a war in Africa and that Pelé scored his 1000th goal
On the 4th February 1969, Pelé's Santos stopped an ongoing war in Nigeria. The civil war had been going on in the Biafra region since March 1967, and it lasted until January 1970, with the separatists' defeat. 2 million people died in the conflict.
There was a global effort trying to stop the violent repression of the Nigerian government against the Biafras. Artists like Joan Baez, Jimi Hendrix and John Lennon, authorities like the Pope Paul VI and the United Nations tried do contain the conflict, without success.
But Santos did. As the team was touring in Africa, they were invited by the Nigerian government to play in Benin. A first and only cease-fire was declared so Santos could move from the hotel to the stadium and then back to the hotel. Santos won the match 2-1, and left the country the next day, as the war restarted as soon as they were gone, lasting 11 more months.
On the 19th November 1969, Pelé scored his 1000th goal, against Vasco, the team he supported as a child, at the Maracanã. Journalists from all over the world had been following Santos matches, waiting for the 1000th goal to happen, which he did on his 912th career match.
By the end of the decade, Santos team had changed, but was still strong, notably counting with the right-back Carlos Alberto Torres, the midfielder Clodoaldo and the forwards Edu and Toninho Guerreiro, all of them champions in the 1970 World Cup, except for the latter. They notably won the 1968 Brazilian League, the 1968 Supercopa Sudamericana and the 1968 Recopa Intercontinental.
My personal favorite goal of this era is this one by Toninho Guerreiro, after a rainbow flick assist by Kaneko, in 1968.
The Pelé Era last title was the São Paulo State League title of 1973. Pelé left in October 1974, having scored 1091 goals in 1116 matches for Santos.
1978-1984: the Meninos da Vila (Vila Boys) and the last title before the drought
In 1978, a new term was coined to the players produced by Santos youth system, or just young players that were bought: the Meninos da Vila (Vila Boys), that won the 1978 State League. The 1st generation counted with Juary, João Paulo, Pita, Nilton Batata and Ailton Lira.

Meninos da Vila	Apps	Goals
Juary	229	101
João Paulo	412	103
Pita	408	55
Nilton Batata	249	36
Ailton Lira	182	37

In the 1980s, Santos built a good team that reached the final of the 1983 Brazilian League, and won the 1984 State League - Santos last title before the drought.
1984-2002: 18-year title drought
In this period, Santos reached the 1995 Brazilian League final - led by the idol Giovanni -, as well as the 2000 State League final. Santos won the 1997 Rio-São Paulo Tournament and the 1998 Copa Conmebol, but they were minor trophies and didn't count as the end of the drought, that would last until 2002.
Nevertheless, Santos became the first team in the world to score 10.000 goals - the record took place in January 1998, with a goal scored by Jorginho.
In December 2000, Santos was elected by FIFA the Club of the Century in South America, and placed 5th in the world, behind Real Madrid, Manchester United, Bayern and Barcelona.
2002: Diego & Robinho and the 2nd Meninos da Vila generation
In the last season of the Brazilian League with knock-out stages (round-robin were introduced in 2003), Santos were broken and bet once again on their own DNA: youth system and offensive football. Led by 17-year-old Diego and 18-year-old Robinho, and with great young players Maurinho (24), Alex (20), Renato (23) and Elano (21), as well as great experienced players like Fábio Costa (25), Léo (27) and Alberto (27), Santos qualified on the 8th and last spot to the quarter-finals - after an exciting 1st stage, even leading the league at some point, but dropping a lot in quality towards the end.
In the knock-out stage, Santos won 5 of the 6 matches before becoming champions. In the quarter-finals, against the scary São Paulo of Kaká and Luís Fabiano, Santos won both legs: 3-1 at home and then a 2-1 comeback away, with Diego scoring twice, one of them the winning goal on the 2nd leg.
In the semi-finals, Santos defeated Grêmio 3-0 at home, with a great show from Robinho, who got Grêmio's CB sent off and then scored this great goal. Alberto scored twice, notably this backheel one. In the 2nd leg, a 0-1 defeat was enough to put Santos in the league final.
The final would be against Parreira's Corinthians. In the first leg, Diego brilliantly assisted Alberto to open the score, and then Robinho at '88 also brilliantly assissted Renato to close the 2-0 score.
The final 2nd leg was monumental. Corinthians needed to win by a 2-goal difference to be the champions. It started badly for Santos, with Diego leaving injured with less than five minutes. But at '35, Robinho produced one of the most iconic moves of the football world in 2002, the 8 Pedaladas (8 Stepovers), after which he suffered a penalty, which he himself converted into a goal dedicated to Diego. Corinthians now needed 3 goals, and at '75 they scored the first, then at '84 they scored the second. Total fear in Santos supporters. But 4 minutes later at '88, the heir of the king, the prince Robinho carried the ball from the midfield until the right side of the box to assist Elano in Santos second goal. But it wasn't over yet, and at '92, him again, the prince Robinho left two Corinthians' CB completely lost in a quick body turnaround to assist Léo to score the 3rd and winning goal. The perfect match was over, Santos won 3-2, and were crowned Brazilian League champions. Highlights to Santos goalkeeper Fabio Costa who had this absurd performance (2mn33s video) and to Santos coach Emerson Leão, the man who chose to bet in these young players.
2003-2004: the show must go on
In 2003, Santos, Diego and Robinho were the Brazilian trend. They kept their high-level football with the addition of Ricardo Oliveira in the attack, and finished 2nd in the Copa Libertadores - losing to Boca Juniors - and 2nd in the Brazilian League - dominated by Cruzeiro.
In 2004, Santos won the Brazilian League again, their 8th and most recent Brazilian League title. With the departures of Renato, Diego and Ricardo Oliveira to Europe, Santos brought Ricardinho and Deivid from Middlesbrough and Bordeaux, and the international coach Luxemburgo from Cruzeiro.
It worked greatly, and led by Robinho and Elano, they won the league on the 46th and last round, after beating Vasco 2-1. It was a very dramatic league in all possible ways, and against everything and everyone, Santos were once again Brazilian Champions.

Meninos da Vila	Apps (Santos)	Goals (Santos)	Clubs in Europe
Diego	133	38	Porto, Werder Bremen, Atlético Madrid
Robinho	253	111	Real Madrid, Milan, Man. City
Elano	322	68	Shakhtar, Man. City
Renato	424	33	Sevilla
Alex	103	20	Chelsea, Milan, PSG

2009-2013: Neymar & Ganso, the 3rd Meninos da Vila generation
After the 2004 team was dismantled, Santos won two State League titles in 2006 and 2007, besides finishing 2nd in the 2007 Brazilian League and reaching the semi-finals in the 2007 Copa Libertadores, led by international star Zé Roberto.
In March 2009, Neymar made his debut at the age of 17. With midfielder Ganso (aged 19), they finished 2nd in the State League, losing to Ronaldo Nazário's Corinthians.
In 2010, the Cirque du Soleil Santos show began. With the addition of Robinho (on a 6-month loan from Man. City) to the front line, the team reached a historical mark of 111 goals in 34 matches on the title campaigns of the 2010 State League and 2010 Copa do Brasil. Overall in the year, Santos scored 176 goals, and Neymar 42 goals. The team played for fun and brilliant goals were a constant, notably: Robinho's backheel goal against Rogério Ceni's São Paulo, Ganso finesse assist to Robinho against Grêmio, Neymar's little-stop penalty goal against Ceni's São Paulo, Ganso's lob against Monte Azul, Robinho's lob against Bragantino, Ganso's backheel assist to Neymar's goal against Santo André, Alex Sandro's goal against Cruzeiro, Wesley's goal against Grêmio, Ganso long distance goal against Grêmio, Neymar dribbling past the whole Santo André defense goal, Neymar's assist to André against São Paulo, and obviously, Robinho air backheel assist to Neymar against Santo André.
However, the epic 2010 team only lasted 6 months: Wesley, André and Robinho left to Europe, and Ganso got severely injured. With the team dismantled, they ended on the 8th position in the league.
2011 Copa Libertadores: the third continental dream title
Santos started the season with the 2011 State League title, beating Corinthians in the final (0-0, 2-1).
Santos also counted with the return of Elano for the 2011 Copa Libertadores, but the team started badly: 2 draws and 1 loss, so Santos needed to win all the next 3 matches to advance. And they did, without much problems: 3-2 Colo-Colo (Chile), 2-1 Cerro Porteño (Paraguay) and 3-1 Táchira (Venezuela). Highlights to Neymar's dribbling-goal against Colo-Colo and Danilo's long-distance goal against Cerro Porteño.
In the round of 16, Santos met América (Mexico) and beat them 1-0 at home in the 1st leg. The 2nd leg, in Mexico, was a 0-0 tie, with goalkeeper Rafael Cabral having an exceptional match.
In the quarter-finals, against Once Caldas (Colombia), Santos had no problem beating them 1-0 in Colombia, and then tying 1-1 at home, with this great goal from Neymar.
In the semi-finals, Santos beat Cerro Porteño 1-0 at home, with this great assist from Neymar to Edu Dracena, and had a restful 2nd leg after opening 2-0 and leaving Paraguay with a 3-3 tie and qualified to the finals.
In the big final against Peñarol, Santos left the 1st leg with a 0-0 tie in Uruguay, with Peñarol having this goal bravely disallowed at '85. In the final 2nd leg, Santos pressured Peñarol at home, until Neymar opened the score at '46 with a brilliant shot, after a fine backheel-play by Ganso and ball-conducting by Arouca. At '68, Danilo scored one more, but Santos centre-back Durval scored an own goal at '79. On the last minute, Neymar almost scored the third, but the ball hit the post. At '93, the match ended, and after 48 years, Santos were the Copa Libertadores Champions, for the third time in their history.
Neymar was the MVP and second topscorer with 6 goals, at the age of 19. He was also elected the 2011 Brazilian League MVP, but Santos finished on the 10th place.
With this title, Santos qualified to the 2011 Club World Cup in Japan. They beat Kashiwa Reysol 3-1 in the semi-final, with this splendid goal from Neymar. However, they were completely dominated by Messi's Barcelona in the final, losing it 0-4.
In 2012, Santos had another great year, led by Neymar, Ganso and Elano. They started the season with the 2012 State League title, beating Guarani in the final (3-0, 4-2). They also reached the 2012 Copa Libertadores semi-finals, but got eliminated by Corinthians.
They also won the 2012 Recopa Sudamericana and finished 8th on the league.

Meninos da Vila	Apps (Santos)	Goals (Santos)	Clubs in Europe
Neymar	230	138	Barcelona, PSG
Ganso	162	36	Sevilla, Amiens
André	94	41	Sporting
Rafael Cabral	190	-	Napoli, Reading
Danilo	80	10	Porto, Real Madrid, Man. City, Juventus
Wesley	63	10	Werder Bremen

2013-today
Since the Neymar & Ganso Era ended in 2013, Santos has won 2 State League titles (2015, 2016), finished 2nd in the Brazilian League twice (2016, 2019) and in the Copa do Brasil once (2015), as well as revealing Rodrygo in 2018.
Santos represents the essence of Brazilian football DNA, which is offensive and beautiful football, a philosophy which made their youth system one of the most respected in the world. You can watch here some rare Pelé highlights, here some 2002-2005 Robinho's and here some 2009-2013 Neymar's.
Santos is one of the 3 Brazilian teams that has never been relegated.
To this day, Santos has a fanbase of 6 million supporters, and a stadium attendance average of 10.300, as of 2019.
If you have any questions about Brazilian football, feel free to join us at futebol, where you'll be very welcomed!

Democrats’ Unprecedented Embrace of Gun Control

The party is betting that support for restrictions is more likely to attract moderate voters than turn them off.
Elaine Godfrey August 20, 2020Gabby GiffordsBloomberg / Getty
On a cold February evening, weeks before the full force of the coronavirus pandemic hit the United States, a few dozen Mike Bloomberg supporters milled around the airy living room of a home in the genteel Washington, D.C., suburb of McLean, Virginia. The voters, most of them white, described themselves as moderates or former Republicans. They explained to me that, more than anything, they want stability and civility back in national politics, and they tut-tutted any mention of Bernie Sanders and his plans for radical change. But one issue—the one they’d come to hear about—got them really riled up: gun control.
“He’s laid out an assault-weapons ban for new purchases,” a man named Bill, a managing partner at a small investment firm and a former intelligence officer, told me excitedly, when I asked why he backed Bloomberg for president. (Bill declined to give his last name for privacy reasons.) “And there absolutely should be universal background checks,” he continued. “It’s like, that’s a no-brainer—come on.”
This is the new normal in the Democratic Party: Moderate voters not only support gun-control legislation, but have begun to use the issue as a litmus test. In 2010, roughly 20 percent of all federal candidates who received “A” ratings from the National Rifle Association were Democrats; by the 2018 midterms, that number was down to less than 2 percent, according to Everytown for Gun Safety, a nonprofit advocacy organization founded in 2013 and largely funded by Bloomberg. Which means that Democrats in 2020 are embracing gun control in an unprecedented way, betting that their support is more likely to attract voters than turn them away—especially in the suburban districts that are quickly becoming central to the party map.
Nowhere has this shift been clearer than at this year’s Democratic convention, which was expressly designed to appeal to a bipartisan viewership and where gun control has been a central focus. On Tuesday, Representative Veronica Escobar of Texas spoke about the 2019 shooting in El Paso that left 23 people dead. A montage about the nation’s growing gun-violence-prevention movement was narrated by Emma González, who survived the Parkland, Florida, high-school shooting in 2018. Former Representative Gabby Giffords of Arizona, who was shot in the head in 2011 and who spent months relearning how to speak, called for reform in a moving speech last night. Bloomberg is likely to make similar calls when he addresses TV audiences tonight.
Four years ago, Hillary Clinton’s campaign welcomed mothers who had lost children to gun violence to speak at her nominating convention, the first remarks of their kind. But there were no such convention segments or panels on gun control as recently as 2012. “What people are seeing is gun safety not only mobilizes, but it also persuades the all-important independent and suburban voters who will likely decide the 2020 election,” says John Feinblatt, Everytown’s president.
Support for stricter gun-control measures, such as universal background checks and a ban on assault weapons, has grown stronger among Americans in the past decade, as a series of mass shootings has rattled the country. In that time, the Democratic coalition changed significantly too. Moderate Democrats once represented rural swaths of the country, where guns were popular and restricting their use was not. Today, the profile of the average moderate Democrat looks very different: She represents a suburban constituency that overwhelmingly favors gun control, and whose politics are more aligned with those of voters in nearby blue cities than those of voters in rural America. Democrats are “able to be a lot more aggressive on these kinds of issues, since there’s no longer any tension within the Democratic coalition,” says Lanae Erickson, a senior vice president at the center-left think tank Third Way, which has encouraged Democratic candidates to run on gun reforms. Now, “instead of Bart Stupak, you have Abigail Spanberger.”
Gun control was indeed a core campaign message for Spanberger, the Democratic representative who defeated the Republican incumbent Dave Brat two years ago in a suburban district near Richmond, Virginia, that had long been represented by the GOP. It was also central to the campaign platform of Jennifer Wexton, Spanberger’s fellow Virginian and fellow freshman, who flipped her D.C.-adjacent district from red to blue. By 2019, polling showed that gun control was the top issue for voters in their home state; that fall, Democrats managed to gain control of the state legislature and immediately passed a huge slate of gun reforms.
Moderate Democrats have run and won on gun control in red states too. The gun-control activist Lucy McBath, whose son was shot and killed in 2012, now occupies Newt Gingrich’s old seat outside Atlanta. Like Escobar, Representatives Colin Allred and Lizzie Fletcher talked up gun control in their suburban, formerly Republican districts in Texas.
The Senate Democratic caucus is no exception to these changes. This year, almost all of the Democratic candidates in the most competitive races have sought the “Moms Demand Action Gun Sense Candidate distinction,” a rating from Feinblatt’s organization that identifies a candidate as supportive of gun legislation. “People have not noticed how much the Democratic coalition has consolidated around this,” Erickson told me. There may be an assumption “that part of the Democratic coalition is holding us back on this. But that’s no longer true.”
Leaders in the gun-control movement expect to push a Biden-Harris administration to pass legislation requiring comprehensive background checks, and a federal red-flag law that would permit authorities to remove firearms from Americans considered a threat to themselves or others, Feinblatt told me. Maybe, he added, the administration will even revive discussions about an assault-weapons ban.
But like much of the party’s agenda, any legislative progress on gun control almost certainly depends on an overwhelming Democratic victory in November. The base may be more unified than ever on the issue. Its lawmakers might be too. But absent a Democratic wave—and perhaps the end of the Senate filibuster—winning the White House won’t be enough.
Bloomberg’s presidential campaign folded shortly after that February house party in McLean. Watching the convention last night, I thought about another voter I met there: Rebecca Boldrick Hogg, a retired teacher and the mother of David Hogg, a young gun-control activist who, like González, survived the Parkland shooting. David, Boldrick Hogg explained at the time, was all in for Sanders, but she couldn’t abide the senator’s once-moderate record on guns. Her son was willing to accept that Sanders’s political positions had evolved, but she couldn’t bring herself to forgive him for it. Her vote, like so many others’, hinges on where a candidate stands on guns.
We want to hear what you think about this article. Submit a letter to the editor or write to [email protected].
Elaine Godfrey is a staff writer at The Atlantic, where she covers politics.

Here are some reasons why I feel it's time for CSJ to move on:

1. SDP is currently CSJ party. He is 62 in the next election. Other than Prof Tambyah (who isn't exactly young either), I bet you cannot name other SDP candidates because they aren't impressionable enough. Unlike in WP, we have He Ting Ru, Jamus, Nicole Seah who are potentially WP's next gen leaders. Unless SDP wants to end up like Chiam See Tong's party, he better start doing something about it.
2. FYI, Low Thia Khiang is 63 this year and five years ago, we kinda know who will succeed him. Props must be given to him for planning the leadership transition which started when Pritam won Aljunied 9 years ago. Same for PSP, during the NCMP press conference, TCB made it clear leadership successions starts now. Whereas for SDP, they are churning out videos of CSJ not giving up, CSJ speaking to Bukit Batok residents, or why CSJ was not smiling in the televised debate. Why is the focus always on him???
3. It took PSP just one try and they got 40% of the popular vote. Whereas, SDP's popular vote is still under 40% despite a 10% swing against the PAP. This shows voters generally don't buy SDP style of politics. Like the PAP, SDP must do deep searching to find out why.
4. It's impossible to fix the negative public image he has, no matter what he does, especially for the older folks where the image of him screaming at PM GCT is still fresh in their minds. Not helping are the PAP IBs, who will always bring his bad record out during election period. Furthermore, there are many videos of him in YouTube participating in acts of civil disobedience which may spook swing voters who prefer PAP or PAP-lite style of engagement. His performance in the televised debate does reinforce the impression that he is confrontational.
5. His decision to re-accept Tan Jee Say back just one day before nomination does give me an impression he is an opportunist, unlike WP, where they assess potential candidates by how they work on the ground in Aljunied and Hougang grassroots activities. It's an open secret that Dennis was taking over Png Eng Huat and Leon/Gerald going over to Aljunied because they have been shadowing them for years prior.
6. One of the big reason why WP cracked Aljunied is because they hired Chen Show Mao. Many were surprised that WP managed to hire someone with an impressive CV. Same goes for PSP with ex-SAF officers and PSC scholars. Whereas, CSJ/SDP failed to do so in this election or in past elections.

Poor leadership decisions:

1. During the 2013 Punggol East By-election, he made a stunning proposal with WP that the SDP candidate will be elected into Parliament while WP will run the town council. What kind of stupid proposal is that?
2. I think as someone here mentioned, their campaign messaging under CSJ isn't effective. 4Y1N is a stupid slogan. Unlike WP's previous slogan of "Towards a First World Parliament", "Empower your Future" and "Make your vote count" which are memorable (even till today), catchy and sends a simple, coherent message that resonated with many voters. SDP also churns out so many policy papers that nobody reads. WP has made their stance on min wage model. What is SDP stance? Do I have to read their policy papers to found out?
3. Another self-pawn is asking ELD to rescind polling hour extension. Why so?? At 8pm, there are still snaking queues in Sengkang. How would voters feel if they cannot exercise their democratic right because SDP, of all party, who wants to deny it to them? Only WP showed true political acumen by refusing to comment on this extension when pressed by the media.

Conclusion: SDP is a sinking ship, and it's sinking fast, unless they change their image. They clearly have an image problem. To fix the problem, it includes getting rid of their leader, unfortunately. It's clear, WP and PSP are overshadowing them. Their current formula isn't working at all.

Hi all. I'm new to this subreddit and apologies in advance for the long post. I had a friend of mine send me links to a few of Shallon's videos because of my military experience and work as a veteran's advocate. I must go on record here with some hard, uncomfortable facts for Shallon and this forum seems to be an open, free-thinking place to do that. Additionally, it appears that Shallon lurks around on here, so I hope she gets the message.
I needed to comment on a couple of her videos where Shallon implies that she has some military affiliation, I'm assuming to puff up her ego and bolster her stupid opinions to make them more credible. Shallon, taking military science classes as electives does not mean you were "in ROTC". Entering the Reserve Officer Training Corps is a serious commitment requiring the swearing of an oath (something I'm sure Shallon has never done in her life) and after successfully completing the rigorous requirements results in being awarded a commission as an officer in the US military where you train and lead troops into Harm's Way and combat. It requires a minimum of 4 years of service and many ROTC graduates remain in the military for a career. The military looks for and cultivates traits like honor, courage, self-reliance, initiative, judgement, and commitment, all things that Shallon knows nothing about. She claims to have read Sun Tzu but I'm willing to bet the only Chinese military leader she has any knowledge of is General Tso and his chicken! Oh, and her repeated misuse of the term "Hurt Locker" to describe her emotional state after getting dumped by guys that she can't get over is indicative that her knowledge of the military doesn't extend any farther than her Netflix homepage.
My other pont is more personal. I served in combat and I can tell you that the killing of another human being is a grave, serious, often trauma-inducing act. It is the most fearsome and terrifying thing anyone can ever do. Stating that you are some sort of bad b*itch because you know how to kill people 15 different ways is not just inappropriate and offensive, it is triggering and a downright stupid thing to do. The people who have been trained to kill or have killed don't go around saying it, and they certainly don't lie about it for internet clout.
Shallon needs to be careful if she's going to continue this nonsense. Falsifying military service for personal gain is what is known as Stolen Valor and since 2013 is it illegal. By misrepresenting her military experience on a social media platform that pays her money Shallon is violating federal and state Stolen Valor laws. And she had better be especially careful as Montana takes its Stolen Valor laws very seriously. Last year a Montana judge ordered two men who were convicted of Stolen Valor to wear signs that said, "I am a liar." Maybe Shallon should go ahead and put one around her neck. If the shoe fits, honey...

The 2019/2020 season of the Hungary’s National Football League (NB1) – being one of the first leagues to restart play - came to an end on 27 June. If a casual observer (for whatever reason) decides to check out the final standings, he would be not surprised at the first two positions: record-champion Ferencváros defended their title, while regional powerhouse Fehérvár (Videoton) came in second. However, the third place team, Puskás Akadémia FC might seem unusual and one could think that there is a story behind that. Is there a team named after Ferenc Puskás? Did some academy youths make an incredible run for the Europa League qualification? Well, the observer is right, there is a story behind all this, but it’s absolutely not a fun story. It’s a story about how one powerful man’s obsession with football stole a legend, misused state funds and killed the spirit of Hungarian football. (Warning: this is a long story, feel free to scroll down for a tl;dr. Also, I strongly advise checking out the links, those images are worth seeing).
Naturally, political influence in football has been present ever since the dawn of the sport and we know of numerous state leaders who felt confident enough to use their influence to ensure the successful development of their favored clubs – Caucescu’s FC Olt Scornicesti and Erdogan’s Basaksehir are well-known examples of such attempts. However, I fear that very few of the readers are aware of the fact that Puskás Akadémia FC is nothing but Hungarian PM Viktor Orbán’s grandiose project for establishing his hometown’s club as one of the country’s top teams. Considering that Orbán managed to achieve this goal using state funds in an EU member democracy in the 2000s, one might even say that it might be one of the most impressive attempts of cheating your way through Football Manager in real life. Now that Puskás Akadémia FC escaped the desolate football scene of Hungary and is getting ready for the European takeover, I feel that it’s high time to tell its true story.

Part 1: Part time striker, part time PM

Our story begins in 1999 when the 36-year-old striker Viktor Orbán (recently elected as the country’s Prime Minister) was signed by the sixth-tier side of Felcsút FC residing in rural Fejér County. It might sound surprising that an active politician would consider such a side job, but given that Orbán has been playing competitive low-level football throughout his whole life and has always been known as a keen football enthusiast, people seemed to be okay with his choice for a hobby. Orbán spent most of his childhood in the village of Felcsút (population: 1,800), so it seemed only natural that he would join the team after one of his old-time acquaintances became team president there.
Orbán’s arrival to the club seemed to work like a charm as Felcsút FC immediately earned a promotion to the fifth league. The Prime Minister’s busy program did not allow him to attend every training session and game but Orbán did make an effort to contribute as much as possible on the field – there is a report of a government meeting being postponed as Orbán was unavailable due to attending Felcsút FC’s spring training camp. The 2001/2002 season brought another breakthrough for the side as Felcsút was promoted to the national level of the football pyramid after being crowned the champion of Fejér County. Sadly enough for Orbán, he suffered a defeat on another pitch – his party lost the 2002 election and Orbán was forced to move to an opposition role.
No matter what happened on the political playing field, Orbán would not abandon his club. Just before the 2002 elections, Felcsút was surprisingly appointed as one of the regional youth development centers by the Hungarian FA. Orbán continued contributing on the field as well (he had more spare time after all) but his off-the-field efforts provided much more value for the team as he used his political influence to convince right-wing businessmen that they should definitely get sponsorship deals done with the fourth-division village team.
Club management was able to transform the influx of funds into on-field success: Felcsút FC was promoted to the third division in 2004 and achieved promotion to the second division in 2005. Although these new horizons required a skill level that an aging ex-PM is not likely to possess, Orbán regularly played as a late game sub and even appeared in cup games against actual professional opponents. The now-42-year old Orbán did not want to face the challenge of the second division, so he retired in 2005 – but this did not stop him from temping as an assistant coach when the head coach was sacked in the middle of the 2005-2006 season.
Success on the playing field did not translate to political success: Orbán lost the elections once again in 2006. However, this was only a temporary loss: the ruling party committed blunder after blunder and by early 2007 it became absolutely obvious that Orbán would be able return to power in 2010. Now confident in his political future, Orbán opted for the acceleration of football development in Felcsút – by late 2007 he took over the presidency of the club to take matters in his own hands. Sponsors seeking to gain favor with the soon-to-be PM were swarming Felcsút FC, so the club was able to stand very strong in an era where financial stability was a very rare sight in the Hungarian football scene, accumulating three medals (but no promotion) between 2007 and 2009.
On the other hand, Orbán realized the value of youth development as well, and started a local foundation for this purpose back in 2004 that gathered funds for the establishment a boarding school-like football academy. The academy opened its doors in September 2006 (only the second of such institutions in the country) and Orbán immediately took upon the challenge of finding an appropriate name for the academy.
He went on to visit the now very sick Ferenc Puskás in the hospital to discuss using his name, but as Puskás’ medical situation was deteriorating rapidly, communication attempts were futile. Luckily enough Puskás’ wife (and soon to be widow) was able to act on his incapable husband’s behalf and approved the naming deal in a contract. According to the statement, naming rights were granted without compensation, as “Puskás would have certainly loved what’s happening down in Felcsút”. However, there was much more to the contract: Puskás’ trademark was handed to a sports journalist friend of Orbán (György Szöllősi, also acting communications director of the academy) who promised a hefty annual return for the family (and also a 45% share of the revenue for himself). Ferenc Puskás eventually died on 17 November 2006 and on 26 November 2006 the football academy was named after him: Puskás Academy was born.
Orbán shared his vision of the whole organization after the opening ceremony: “It’s unreasonable to think that Felcsút should have a team in the top division. We should not flatter ourselves, our players and our supporters with this dream. Our long term ambition is the creation of a stable second division team that excels in youth development and provides opportunity for the talents of the future.” Let’s leave that there.

Part 2: No stadium left behind

Orbán became PM once again in April 2010 after a landslide victory that pretty much granted him unlimited power. He chased lots of political agendas but one of his policies was rock solid: he would revive sports (and especially football) that was left to bleed out by the previous governments. The football situation in 2010 was quite dire: while the national team has actually made some progress in the recent years and has reached the 42nd position in the world rankings, football infrastructure was in a catastrophic state. Teams were playing in rusty stadiums built in the communist era, club finances were a mess, youth teams couldn’t find training grounds and the league was plagued by violent fan groups and lackluster attendance figures (3100 average spectators per game in the 2009/2010 season).
Orbán – aided by the FA backed by business actors very interested in making him happy – saw the future in the total rebuild of the football infrastructure. Vast amounts of state development funds were invested into the football construction industry that warmly welcomed corruption, cost escalation and shady procurement deals. In the end, money triumphed: over the last decade, new stadiums sprung out from nothing all over the country, dozens of new academies opened and pitches for youth development appeared on practically every corner. The final piece of the stadium renovation program was the completion of the new national stadium, Puskás Aréna in 2019 (estimated cost: 575 million EUR). Orbán commemorated this historic moment with a celebratory video on his social media that features a majestic shot of Orbán modestly kicking a CGI ball from his office to the new stadium.
Obviously, Orbán understood that infrastructure alone won’t suffice. He believed in the idea that successful clubs are the cornerstone of a strong national side as these clubs would compete in a high quality national league (and in international tournaments) that would require a constant influx of youth players developed by the clubs themselves. However, Orbán was not really keen on sharing the state’s infinite wealth with private club owners who failed to invest in their clubs between 2002 and 2010. The club ownership takeover was not that challenging as previous owners were usually happy to cut their losses, and soon enough most clubs came under Orbán’s influence. Some clubs were integrated deep into Orbán’s reach (Ferencváros and MTK Budapest club presidents are high ranking officials of Orbán’s party) while in other cases, indirect control was deemed sufficient (Diósgyőri VTK was purchased by a businessman as an attempt to display loyalty to Orbán).
Pouring taxpayer money into infrastructure (stadium) projects is relatively easy: after all, we are basically talking about overpriced government construction projects, there’s nothing new there. On the other hand, allocating funds to clubs that should be operating on a competitive market is certainly a tougher nut to crack. The obvious solutions were implemented: the state media massively overpaid for broadcasting rights and the national sports betting agency also pays a hefty sum to the FA, allowing for a redistribution of considerable amounts. However, given that the income side of Hungarian clubs was basically non-existent (match day income is negligible, the failed youth development system does not sell players), an even more radical solution was desperately needed. Also, there was definite interest in the development of a tool that would allow for differentiation between clubs (as in the few remaining non-government affiliated clubs should not receive extra money).
The solution came in 2011: the so-called TAO (“társasági adó” = corporate tax) system was introduced, granting significant tax deductions for companies if they offered a portion of their profits to sports clubs – however, in theory, funds acquired through TAO can be only used for youth development and infrastructure purposes. Soon enough, it became apparent that state authorities were not exactly interested in the enforcement of these restrictions, so some very basic creative accounting measures enabled clubs to use this income for anything they wanted to. Companies were naturally keen on cutting their tax burdens and scoring goodwill with the government, so TAO money immediately skyrocketed. Opportunistic party strongmen used their influence to convince local business groups to invest in the local clubs, enabling for the meteoric rise of multiple unknown provincial teams (Mezőkövesd [pop: 16,000], Kisvárda [pop: 16,000], Balmazújváros [pop: 17,000]) into the first division.
Although it’s not the main subject of this piece, I feel inclined to show you the actual results of Orbán’s grandiose football reform. While we do have our beautiful stadiums, we don’t exactly get them filled – league attendance has stagnated around 3000 spectators per game throughout the whole decade. We couldn’t really move forward with our national team either: Hungary lost 10 positions in the FIFA World Rankings throughout Orbán’s ten years. On the other hand, the level of league has somewhat improved – Videoton and Ferencváros reached the Europa League group stage in 2019 and 2020, respectively. Too bad that the Instat-based top team of 2019/2020 Hungarian league consists of 10 foreigners and only 1 Hungarian: the goalkeeper.

Part 3: Small place, big game!

As seen in the previous chapter, Orbán did have a strong interest in the improvement of the football situation Hungary, but we shouldn’t forget that his deepest interest and true loyalty laid in the wellbeing of Felcsút and its academy. Now that Orbán had limitless means to see to the advancement of his beloved club, he got to work immediately. Orbán handed over formal club management duties to his friend / protégé / middleman / businessman Lőrinc Mészáros in 2010, but no questions would ever arise of who is actually calling the shots.
First of all, no club can exist without a proper stadium. Although in 2011 Orbán explicitly stated that “Felcsút does not need a stadium as stadiums belong to cities”, no one was really surprised in 2012 when the construction of the Felcsút stadium was announced. Orbán was generous enough to donate the lands just in front of his summer home in the village for the project, locating the entrance a mere ten meters away from his residence. Construction works for the stunningly aesthetic 3,800-seater arena (in a village of 1,800 people) started in April 2012 and were completed in April 2014, making Felcsút’s arena the second new stadium of Orbán’s gigantic stadium revival program.
The estimated budget of the construction was 120 million EUR (31,500 EUR / seat) was financed by the Puskás Academy who explicitly stated that they did not use government funds for the project. Technically, this statement is absolutely true as the construction was financed through the TAO money offered by the numerous companies looking for tax deduction and Orbán’s goodwill. However, technically, this means that the country’s budget was decreased by 120 million EUR unrealized tax revenue. Naturally, the gargantuan football stadium looks ridiculously out of place in the small village, but there’s really no other way to ensure that your favorite team’s stadium is within 20 seconds of walking distance from your home.
Obviously, a proper club should also have some glorious history. Felcsút was seriously lagging behind on this matter as though Felcsút FC was founded in 1931, it spent its pre-Orbán history in the uninspiring world of the 5th-7th leagues of the country. Luckily enough, Orbán had already secured Puskás’ naming rights and they were not afraid to use it, so Felcsút FC was renamed to Puskás Academy FC in 2009. The stadium name was a little bit problematic as the Hungarian national stadium in Budapest had sadly had the dibs on Puskás’ name, so they had to settle with Puskás’ Spanish nickname, resulting in the inauguration of the Pancho Arena. But why stop here? Orbán’s sports media strongman György Szöllősi acted upon the contract with Puskás’ widow and transferred all Puskás’ personal memorabilia (medals, jerseys, correspondence) to the most suitable place of all: a remote village in which Puskás never even set foot in.
While the off-field issues were getting resolved, Orbán’s attention shifted to another important area: the actual game of football. Although academy players started to graduate from 2008 on, it very soon became painfully obvious that the academy program couldn’t really maintain even a second division side for now. In 2009, Orbán reached an agreement with nearby Videoton’s owner that effectively transformed Felcsút FC into Videoton’s second team under the name of Videoton – Puskás Akadémia FC. The mutually beneficent agreement would allow Videoton to give valuable playing time to squad players while it could also serve as a skipping step for Puskás Academy’s fresh graduates to a first league team. The collaboration resulted in two mid-table finishes and a bronze medal in the second division in the following three seasons that wasn’t really impressive compared to Felcsút FC’s standalone seasons.
It seemed that the mixture of reserve Videoton players and academy youth was simply not enough for promotion, and although Orbán had assured the public multiple times that his Felcsút project was not aiming for the top flight, very telling changes arose after the 2011/2012 season. Felcsút terminated the Videoton cooperation deal and used the rapidly accumulating TAO funds to recruit experienced players for the now independently operating Puskás Academy FC (PAFC). The new directive worked almost too well: PAFC won its division with a 10 point lead in its first standalone year which meant that they would have to appear in the first league prior to the completion of their brand-new Pancho Arena. Too bad that this glorious result had almost nothing to do with the academy - only two players were academy graduates of the side’s regular starting XI.
Orbán did not let himself bothered with the ridiculousness of an academy team with virtually no academy players being promoted to the first division as he stated that “a marathon runner shouldn’t need to explain why the other runners were much slower than him”. Orbán also displayed a rare burst of modesty as he added that “his team’s right place is not in the first league, and they will soon be overtaken by other, better sides”.
The promotion of PAFC to the first division made a lot of people very angry and been widely regarded as a bad move. Supporter groups were united in hatred all along the league and not surprisingly, away fans almost always outnumbered the home side at PAFC’s temporary home at Videoton’s Sóstói Stadium (demolished and rebuilt in its full glory since then). One of the teams, however, possessed an extraordinary degree of anger against PAFC: supporters of Budapest Honvéd – the only Hungarian team in which Ferenc Puskás played – felt especially awkward about the transfer of their club legend’s heritage to Felcsút. Tensions spiked at the PAFC – Honvéd game when home security forced Honvéd supporters to remove the “Puskás” part of their traditional “Puskás – Kispest – Hungary” banner – the team answered the insult with style as they secured a 4-0 victory supported by fans chanting “you can’t buy legends”.
Despite Orbán’s prognosis, other better sides did not rush to overtake his team, so PAFC, now residing in their brand new Pancho Arena, came through with a 14th and a 10th place in their first two seasons. Naturally, conspiracy theories began to formulate, speculating that government-friendly owners would certainly not be motivated to give their best against PAFC. However, as the league size was reduced to 12 for the 2015/2016 season, PAFC found themselves in a dire situation just before the final round: they needed a win and needed rival Vasas to lose against MTK in order to avoid relegation. PAFC’s draw seemed to be unlucky as they faced their arch-enemy Honvéd at home, but Honvéd displayed an absolute lackluster effort – fueling conspiracy theories – and lost the fixture 2 to 1 against a home side featuring four academy players. Vasas, however, did not disappoint, their 2-0 victory resulted in PAFC’s elimination and a very relaxed sigh all over the football community.
PAFC’s relegation seemed to be in accordance with Orbán’s 2013 statement, so public opinion supposed for a while that Orbán’s project came to a halting point and the Academy would go on to actually field academy players in the second division (especially as rostering foreign players was prohibited in the lower leagues). However, if you have read through this point, you know better than to expect Orbán to retreat – obviously, PAFC came back with a bang. With a ballsy move, PAFC didn’t even sell their foreign players, they just loaned them across the league, promising them that they would be able to return next year to the newly promoted team. The promise was kept as PAFC went into another shopping spree of experienced players (easily convincing lots of them to choose the second division instead of the first) and easily won the second league.
Orbán – now aware of his negligence – opted for the doubling the team’s budget, making PAFC the third most well-founded club in the whole country (only coming short to his friend’s Videoton and his party minion’s Ferencváros). With an actual yearly influx from TAO money in the ballpark of 30-40 million EUR, PAFC management had to really work wonders in creative accounting in order to make their money look somewhat legitimate. The books were now full of ridiculous items like:

• Construction of a new tea kitchen for youth players for 650,000 EUR
• Construction of a new “sports and conference center” for 40 million EUR
• Employment of a 45 person “cleaning and maintenance staff” for the academy.

Naturally, in the country of no consequences, absolutely nothing happened: PAFC went on with its spending and signed 35 foreigners between 2017 and 2020. They did so because they could not hope to field a winning team in the first league consisting of academy players, despite the fact that Puskás Academy has been literally drowning in money since 2007. This seems to somewhat contradict Orbán’s 2013 promise, stating that “Puskás Academy will graduate two or three players to major European leagues each year”. To be fair, there have been players who managed to emerge to Europe (well, exactly two of them: Roland Sallai plays at Freiburg, László Kleinheisler played at Werder Bremen) but most academy graduates don’t even have the slightest the chance to make their own academy’s pro team as it’s full of foreigners and more experienced players drawn for other teams’ programs.
Despite their unlimited funding, PAFC could not put up a top-tier performance in their first two years back in the first division, finishing 6th and 7th in the 12-team league. Many speculated that the lack of support, motivation and even a clear team mission did not allow for chemistry to develop within the multinational and multi-generational locker room. Consistency was also a rare sight on the coaching side: club management was absolutely impatient with coaches who were very easily released after a single bad spell and there were talks of on-field micromanagement request coming from as high as Orbán.
Even so, their breakthrough came dangerously close in 2018 as PAFC performed consistently well in the cup fixtures and managed to reach the final. Their opponent, Újpest played an incredibly fierce game and after a 2-2 draw, they managed to defeat PAFC in the shootout. Football fans sighed in relief throughout the country as ecstatic Újpest supporters verbally teased a visibly upset Orbán in his VIP lounge about his loss.
Obviously, we could only delay the inevitable. While this year’s PAFC side seemed to be more consistent than its predecessors, it seemed that they won’t be able to get close to the podium - they were far behind the obvious league winner duo of Ferencváros and Videoton and were trailing third-place Mezőkövesd 6 points just before the pandemic break. However, both Mezőkövesd and PAFC’s close rivals DVTK and Honvéd fall flat after the restart while PAFC was able to maintain its good form due to its quality roster depth. PAFC overtook Mezőkövesd after the second-to-last round as Mezőkövesd lost to the later relegated Debrecen side. (Mezőkövesd coach Attila Kuttor was fined harshly because of his post-game comments on how the FA wants PAFC to finish third.)
PAFC faced Honvéd in the last round once again, and as Honvéd came up with its usual lackluster effort, PAFC secured an effortless win, confidently claiming the third place. PAFC celebrated their success in a nearly empty stadium, however neither Orbán, nor Mészáros (club owner, Orbán’s protégé, now 4th richest man of Hungary) seemed to worry about that. While Orbán high-fived with his peers in the VIP lounge, Mészáros was given the opportunity to award the bronze medals (and for some reason, a trophy) to the players dressed up in the incredibly cringe worthy T-shirts that say “Small place, big game!”. Big game, indeed: in the 2019/2020 season, foreign players’ share of the teams playing time was 43.6% while academy graduates contributed only 17.9%.
On Sunday evening, less than 24 hours after PAFC’s glorious success, György Szöllősi, now editor-in-chief of Hungary’s only sports newspaper (purchased by Orbán’s affiliates a few years back) published an editorial on the site, stating that “the soccer rebuild in Felcsút became the motor and symbol of the revitalization of sport throughout the whole country”. Well, Szöllősi is exactly right: Felcsút did became a symbol, but a symbol of something entirely different. Felcsút became a symbol of corruption, inefficiency, lies and the colossal waste of money. But, hey, at least we know now: you only need to spend 200 million EUR (total budget of PAFC and its academy in the 2011-2020 period) if you want to have a Europa League team in your backyard. Good to know!

Epilogue: What's in the future?

As there is no foreseeable chance for political change to happen Hungary (Orbán effortlessly secured qualified majority in 2014 and 2018, and is projected to do so in 2022 as well), PAFC’s future seems to be as bright as it gets. Although consensus opinion now seems to assume that Orbán does not intend to interfere with the Ferencváros – Videoton hegemony, we can never be really sure about the exact limits of his greed. One could also argue that entering the European theater serves as a prime opportunity for making splashy transfers who could be the cornerstones of a side challenging the league title.
However, as all political systems are deemed to fall, eventually Orbán’s regime will come apart. Whoever will take upon the helm after Orbán, they will certainly begin with cutting back on the one item on Orbán’s agenda that never had popular support: limitless football spending. Puskás Academy, having next to zero market revenue, will not be able to survive without the state’s life support, so the club will fold very shortly. The abandoned, rotting stadium in Felcsút will serve as a memento of a powerful man who could not understand the true spirit of football.
But let’s get back to present day, as we have more pressing issues coming up soon: PAFC will play their first European match in the First qualifying round of the Europa League on 27 August. We don’t have a date for the draw yet, but soon enough, a team unaware of the whole situation will be selected to face the beast. I hope that maybe one of their players does some research and maybe reads this very article for inspiration. I hope that the supporters of this club get in touch with Honvéd fans who would be eager to provide them with some tips on appropriate chants. I hope that other teams gets drawn as the home team so Orbán wouldn’t get the pleasure of walking to his stadium for an international match. But most importantly, I very much hope that this team obliterates PAFC and wipes them off the face of the earth. 5-0 will suffice, thank you.
And if this team fails to do that, we don’t have to worry yet. Due to our shitty league coefficient, PAFC would need to win four fixtures in a row. And that – if there’s any justice in this world – is a thing that can’t, that won’t happen. Ball don’t lie – if I may say.
TL,DR
Hungarian PM Viktor Orbán redirected some 200 million EUR of taxpayer money over 10 years to fuel his ambition of raising a competitive football team in his hometown of 1,800 people. He built a 3,800-seater stadium in his backyard, expropriated football legend Ferenc Puskás’ trademarks and heritage and built up a football league where almost all clubs are owned by his trustees. His team, Puskás Akadémia FC was originally intended to be a development ground for youth players graduating from Orbán’s football academy, but eventually the team became more and more result-orianted. Finally, a roster full of foreign and non-academy players came through and finished third in the league, releasing this abomination of a team to the European football theatre. Please, knock them out asap!